All History

CHAPTER V 

THE LONG SLEDGE JOURNEY BEGINS 

As everything was ready for the start quite a number of days before the day set- April 1, 1879 - we waited with a strange, lonesome anxiety for that date. All the stulf that was to remain had been boxed up carefully and Ahmow, its custodian, was removing it to his igloo on Depot Island. Life in a half deserted house is enough to set one half crazy, but living in a half deserted igloo is amply sufficient to fill an insane asylum. 

Let us take a hurried look at the party before it starts. The officers were: Lieutenant Frederick Schwatka (myself) and Colonel William H. Gilder, second in command. Frank Klutshak, our scientist and Frank Melms, the only one of us white men who had previously lived in the Arctic, completed the white members in our party. The Esquimaux included Joseph Ebierbing ("Esquimaux Joe") who, as has been stated, had been with Captain Hall and Captain Hayes on their Arctic journeys, and his wife Nipschank or Hannah; Toolooah, hunter and chief sledge driver, and his wife Tooloohalek or Susie, and their two-vear-old boy Iyow- kawank, or Jack; Ikqueesik, our chief guide; (Nachilluk Joe) and his wife, Lizzee and three-year-old daughter Koodleuk; Ishoowark (Jerry) and his wife, and two Innuit boys, brothers of Ikqueesik, aged eighteen and fourteen, named Milkolilluk and Awanak respectively. An Iwilli boy, aged twelve, named Koomunah, completed the party of eighteen souls. 

We had three large sledges, well shod with the bone from the jaw of a whale, and forty-four very good dogs. Our arms consisted of 

• two Remington breech-loading muskets, 

• two repeating Winchester carbines, 

• one breech-loading Sharp's sporting rifle, 

• one heavy breech-loading Sharp's sporting rifle, 

• one heavy breech-loading Whitney (Greedmoor pattern) rifle, 

• one 26-shot repeating sporting rifle, 

• (Evans patent), 

• two Smith & Wesson revolvers, 

• and some muzzle-loading muskets. The latter were to be used for trading purposes, if necessary, among the natives whom we expected to encounter. 

Our ammunition supplies were far beyond the greatest ever taken before upon an Arctic sledge journey. But our provisions were extremely limited for so large a party over the nine or ten months we would be absent, so that our caisson was none too large. Dependent as we would soon become upon the game of the country, we had fair reasons to believe such existed in sufficient quantities to support us and our dogs if our hunters were only vigilant. 

Our ammunition boxes showed [turned to bulleted list for readability and unintended pun]

• 700 rounds of Remington cartridges, of 50 calibre and 70 grains powder; 

• 700 rounds Winchester cartridges, cal. 45., 75 grs. powder: 

• 300 rounds Sharp's cartridges, cal. 40., 70 gr, powder; 

• 450 rounds Evans cartridges, cal. 44., 55 grs. powder;

• 220 rounds Whitney cartridges, cal. 44, 95 grs. powder. 

• besides 200 rounds for the Smith & Wesson's revolvers 

• and 100  bullets, 2000 caps and 25 lbs. of powder for the Springfield muskets. 

• I must not forget to mention a breech-loading Remington shotgun, with 100 rounds of filled cartridges,

•  a muzzle loading shotgun with a box of (25 lbs.), duck power and 25 lbs. shot. 

• A sum total shows fifteen guns and about 4000 rounds of ammunition. 

Our only anxiety now was to be able to transport such a heavy load and to find sufficient game upon which to throw it away. 

Without giving an uninteresting list of the provisions with which we burdened ourselves, suffice it to say, counting as a day's ration, three pounds a day for an adult and proportionally less for the others, we had a trifle less than a month's supply. But it was not the intention to depend upon this until it was eaten up and then live upon the country, but to stretch it out as far as possible by the assistance of reindeer meat, as soon as we entered the hunting country. Two thousand pounds of Kow (walrus hide) and our bedding gave our sleds quite a heavy and formidable looking appear ance, as we started, but most of the load was of a nature that stead- ily decreased as the time advanced. 

As the world turned round it brought our appointed date, April 1, 1879, and found us already to start, but like all other first-day starts it was a late one. It was nearly noon as we pulled out on the salt water ice near Camp Daly and, shaking hands, bid our trusty Inuit friends good-bye. We stopped a second to take a last look on that dreary cheerless mass of snow domes that had so long been our home, and seemed doubly like a home now that we were parting with it for a still less cheerless and dreary journey. 

There is something peculiarly depressing in starting upon a long unknown venture, especially if a person has upon his mind all the cares and duties of a commander to warn him that, in case of misfortune, he alone does not suffer. And this was to be an expedition where misfortune might easily befall us. With less than one month's provisions, we were separating ourselves by an icy desert of eight and nine leauges from all chance of rescue, with eighteen human and forty-four brute mouths to be fed in a country reported destitute of game. And in this forbidding land we were to spend possibly a year - under the most favorable cireumstances not less than nine months - to make an extended and laboriously thorough search to determine the sad fate of those that had died here. it brought up the most solemn thoughts to one responsible for the lives and comfort of those who thus willingly joined in this unselfish effort to accomplish such a task. 

My triangulation cairns around Depot Island had not yet faded completely from sight as we stopped for our first camp, about ten miles north of Camp Daly, on the eastern shore of the Winchester Inlet. The weather had been exceedingly fine during the day and the oft-repeated injunctions of our Innuits, that the weather about this time of year was nearly always like this, was cheering news. 

We built two large double igloos, the four white men and Toolooah's family occupying one, and the remainder of the Innuits the other. The next night, however, this latter igloo was again divided. Joe and Jerry, with their respective families, occupying one and Ikqueesik the other. Thereafter this arrangement was continued until we reached King William Land.

...asdog meat was low, it was decided that the morrow should be used in securing as many as possible of these longhaired monsters.

On the morning of the 29th a heavy fog threatened to spoil our sport. We managed to get away at 8:30 A.M., with the two light sleds leading and all the dogs, as the thick clouds seemed to be lifting. At 11 o'clock in the forenoon, after we had been wandering around in the drifting mist, guiding our movements as much as possible by the wind, we came on the trail of some six or seven of the animals apparently not ten minutes old. Great fears were entertained that the musk-oxen had heard our approach and were now probably doing their level best to escape. The dogs were rapidly unhitched from the sled and from one to three given to each of the eleven men and boys present. Taking their harnesses in their hands or tying them in a slip noose around their waist, they started at once on the trail, leaving the sleds and a few dogs with two Innuit women. The dogs, many of them old musk-ox hunters and with an appetite sharpened by hard work, and a diminishing ration, tugged like mad at their harnesses and hurried along at a rate that threatened a broken neck many a time over the rough gorges. We soon came upon them and dispatched ten, including calves. 

The musk-ox of the Arctic is about two-thirds the size of the American bison, but in appearance is nearly as large owing to immense heavy coat of long weeping willow-like hair that covers him down to the knees, as if he was carrying a load of black brush The musk-ox calves are readily captured by dogs. However, it is impossible to furnish them with proper nourishment to sustain life and I believe there are no cases on record where these most curious animals have been exhibited at a museum. 

Again we were compelled to camp without water. The elevated country was getting quite sandy and destitute of the numerous lakes we had been accustomed to travel upon. The first two days of May, prophetic of the month, kept us snugly confined to our igloos while a fierce northwest storm raged without. On May 3rd we found a small lake which promised water and we were not disappointed, although we had to dig through the thick ice to a depth of eight feet and four inches. Reindeer were also getting scarcer through this apparently waterless country and but a few scattering ones were to be seen or secured. Our musk-ox meat came in a very fortunate nick of time.

Chapter VI

Voices from the Past - The Old Eskimaux's Story 

The morning of May 14 1879, began a day which was introduced an unusual situation and ended by becoming one of the most fateful days in our journey. We were continuing our way along the river [Hayes River, named by Schwatka in honor of the president] when we sighted a large herd of reindeer, some two hundred of them. Our sleds were well loaded with meat and so we allowed them to trot by within rifle range without a shot being fired. Singularly curious, they would run a few paces towards us, then halt like a company of cavalry coming into line, gazing at us until one of their more nervous ones would snort and send them off by the flank with measured trot, like well-drilled troopers. 

At two o'clock that afternoon our moment of fate commenced its development. It began with the discovery of a recently upturned block of snow, and soon we came upon an igloo - deserted - but close by were two caches of musk-ox meat and furs. A trail, formed by dragging a musk-ox skin loaded with belongings of these unknown people, led us on. Our natives pronounced this trail as being two days old, and believed that on the morrow we would come upon the trail-makers. 

Bright and early on the morning of May 15 we broke camp, being well on our way for some time when, rounding a sharp bend in Hayes River, we came suddenly in full sight of three igloos, about a mile distant. 

As we approached, a number of the occupants who were standing around fled to their igloos and persistently remained there. According to the custom of the country (as Joe explained it) we armed ourselves, leaving the women and children with the sleds, and marched in line to within about a hundred yards of the igloo. 

Ikqueesik now went forward and commenced shouting at the top of his voice. His words must have reassured them as it had the desired effect of bringing the affrighted occupants out into sight. They formed a line, with bows, arrows and spears or knives and, as we moved up to within a few feet, they began a general stroking of their breasts, calling "Munnik-toomee"(Welcome).

After their fears had somewhat subsided the women and children came peeping out of the igloos and soon afterwards mixed with the throng. Our drivers returned and brought up our sleds and we were soon building igloos alongside, with the help of our new acquaintance. 

They proved to be a band of Ooquesik-Salik Esquimaux, numbered seven or eight men and probably twice as many women. The head man, Ikinnelik-Puhtoorak, an Ookjoolik, was the leader of a once powerful band inhabiting the northern and western shores of the Adelaide Peninsula and adjacent shores of King William land.  Famine and inroads of neighboring bands had reduced the tribe to a handful. Their land was now in the possession of the Netchilluks and Kidnelik Esquimaux. Of the latter they had great fear and had mistaken us for this band when we first appeared.

We were the first white men these natives had ever seen with the exception of the two oldest men in the tribe - and the great importance of this latter fact will soon be shown. Youngsters and adults crowded about us, then staring eyes following every motion that we made. They told us that the river on which we now were travelling would take us two days journey to the northward then, bending directly backwards on its course, would take us two days farther southeast before we would reach Back's River. From the great bend they explained we could reach Back's River in two days by traveling directly westward, and reach it at a point much nearer to Montreal Island, our first objective point. 

In our anticipation of meeting the natives of this unexplored section we hoped to depend upon them for dog food and oil. But now the tables were turned. These natives were so sadly in need of food that, instead of being receivers, we were obliged to give them some of our own. They had had a very severe winter, one old man of the tribe having died about a month before of starvation. They had no oil and their igloos were cold, clammy and cheerless on the extreme. Their food in the summer and early winter is furnished by the numberless shoals of salmon which ascend the smaller river and are speared as they run the gauntlet of the rapids, while the flesh of the musk-ox, which they secure with dogs, bows, and arrows and spears, gives them a precarious substence during the remainder of the year. They were not able to kill enough deer during the summer to supply them with food or clothing. The noise made in crawling up towards them close enough to shoot with bow and arrow (as the twang of the bow travels more rapidly than the arrow) allow the active deer time in jumping out of the way at any distance beyond twenty-five yards.

Continuous bad weather delayed us at Cape Herschel until June 12, when we started off with a single sled, led by Toolooah accompanied by his family and boy Awanak. We left all our heavy luggage. The remainder of the Innuits of the party were to remain at Camp Herschel until our return, unless any delay should occasion my remaining longer than the breaking up of the summer's ice. In this eventuality, at their own judgment they would return to the mainland where the reindeer are more plentiful. 

On June 15 the last of the hard bread was used and the time was now rapidly approaching when our diet would be a la Innuit until Camp Daly was again reached - some six months hence. My intention was to march to the head of Washington Bay, (which I did on the 17th) thence directly northward across land to Collinson Inlet (before the rapidly disappearing snow was too far gone to render sledging impracticable) then my search would be continued on the salt water ice along the coasts, which lasts a month or six weeks longer. By this means I hoped to reach the mainland of Adelaide Peninsula before the latter ice broke up, and not be coming long distance on our way homeward on the autumn snows. My route across land to Colinson Inlet would, according o the Admiralty charts, take me some wener or twenty-five miles.

On June 23...Arctic aquatic fowl were now getting quite plentiful, and, to vary our monotonous diet of reindeer and seal meat, we secured many. 

It was the oil, nevertheless, that gave the name, rise, and chief value to the industry based on cottonseed as its raw material. The promoters had prior to the Civil War considered this oil as a possible strong competitor of whale oil for illumination, but there was recognition by 1860 that petroleum might materially reduce this demand for cottonseed oil.4″ But its uses as an edible oil, which had been demonstrated in the fifties, were effectively emphasized after the Civil War. There was French complaint in 1880 that refined cottonseed oil was reaching France under the name of olive oil from Spain and Italy.42 With New Orleans shipping 73,782 barrels to Europe, including 40,000 barrels to Italy, in the year ending August 31, 1879, there might be a question as to spurious olive oil, concerning which “the world must draw its own conclusions.“43 The statistical connections between Italian imports of American cottonseed oil and Italian exports of olive oil in the eighties were suggestive of the Atlanta Constitution’s comment on cottonseed oil that “frugal Italians placed a cask of it at the root of every olive tree and thus defied the Borean breath of the Alps.“44 The new product was destined to circle the globe in competition with olive oil and eventually under correct labels. It found its way to the Maine coast for sardine-packing, and certain grades continued to be used in the manufacture of soap in America and also abroad, as at Marseilles. Still greater demands for cottonseed oil came through the manufacture of artificial butter and compound lard or vegetable shortening. The beginnings and developments of these uses were as surreptitious as had been its early use as an adulterant or substitute for olive oil, with the American dairyman or hog-raiser becoming the foeman in place of the foreign olive grower. It was also necessary to fight down the antipathy or prejudice of the consumer, as revealed in the statement, “Give me some pure hog lard, I don’t want any of that old cottonseed stuff.“4

Image from: https://purefood.lafayette.edu/maps/cottonseed-exports/

 Of the sources available (including the formal report of the commander, Lieutenant Patrick Henry Ray), the best description of the people is the account by the anthropologist John Murdoch: “Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition,” published in the Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution(Washington, D.C., 1892). 

In addition to agreeing generally with Simpson's dietetic observations of the 1850's, Murdoch amplifies in the 1880's:

“The food of these people consists almost entirely of animal substances ... We saw and heard nothing ... of eating the half-digested contents of the stomach of the reindeer ... As far as our observations go these people eat little, if any more fat than civilized man; and, as a rule, not by itself ... It is usually supposed, and generally stated in the popular accounts of the Eskimos, that it is a physical necessity for them to eat enormous quantities of blubber in order to obtain a sufficient amount of carbon to enable them to maintain their animal heat in the cold climate which they inhabit. A careful comparison, however, of the reports of actual observers shows that an excessive eating of fat is not the rule ...

“We saw these people eat no vegetable substances, though they informed us that the buds of the willow were sometimes eaten [especially in time of famine] ... Food is generally cooked ... Meat of all kinds is generally boiled ... and the broth thus made is drunk ... Fish are also boiled but are often eaten raw ... Meat is sometimes eaten raw frozen ... When living in winter houses they ... have no regular time for meals, but eat whenever hungry and have leisure. The women seem to keep a supply of cooked food on hand for anyone to eat ... They are large eaters, some of them, especially the women, eating all the time ...” Elsewhere Murdoch relates that during winter the Barrow women stirred around very little, did little heavy work, and yet “inclined more to being sparse than corpulent.”

About 1880 cottonseed oil was introduced into hog lard to temper it for use in cold climates, and thus began a story that “is filled with the intrigues of competitive industries.“ In the spring of 1883 compound lard, so a champion of hogs and grain complained, was an important factor in breaking a corner in lard. The new product, it was estimated in 1888, constituted about half the total of 600,000,000 pounds of lard produced in the country and about two-fifths of 320,000,000 pounds exported, and this compound consisted of mixtures of hog lard, beef stearine, and cottonseed oil, with the oil estimated at 40 per cent. A little later, it was calculated that the compound was making annually a net market displacement of 160,000,000 pounds of hog lard and furnishing consumption for one-third of the output of cottonseed oil. Chicago was at this time the chief center of manufacture of the synthetic product, with Armour and Company and N. K. Fairbank and Company as the leading producers. Southern farmers were receiving millions for cottonseed, but it was asserted, on the other hand, that the new industry reduced considerably the value of 50,000,000 American hogs. The fight was on between industries, between farmers, and between sections, though the hog-raisers were unable to imitate the dairymen’s successful drive for protective legislation. 

Vegetable shortening held its own, remaining the chief channel for the consumption of cottonseed oil and even becoming independent of hog lard in both label and content. It was to receive a new impetus in the twentieth century with the development of hydrogenation for the transformation of the oil into shortening. 

The American cottonseed oil mills by 1890 numbered 119, were crushing annually a million tons of seed, as compared with 80,000 tons twenty years earlier, and were turning out products of a value of $19,790,000. The seed consumption and the output were to double in the nineties and again in the twentieth century, with nearly three-fourths of the seed crop eventually going to the mills instead of only one-seventh as in 1880. During the eighties the annual export of oil reached over I3,000,000 gallons. The ramifications and integration of the industries based partly or entirely on cottonseed were exemplified by the growth of the American Cotton Oil Trust, which was terminated as a legal “trust” at the end of the eighties. In 1889 this trust owned or included fifty-two crude-oil mills, seven refineries, nineteen ginneries, three compressors, seven fertilizer plants, four soap factories, and four lard manufactories. The capitalization was more than $42,000,000, and the profits for fifteen months were reported as $I,655,784.

The continuation of this story after 1890 would be an expanding statistical account and a listing of the multifarious new uses of cottonseed products. Cottonseed has been a prominent feature in the industrial revolution in the American cotton belt, and the world’s leading region in the production of cotton has become the world’s leading region in the production of cottonseed oil. 

H. C. NIXON 

TULANE UNIVERSITY

The best summation of the Expedition is in Schwatka's own words, delivered at a dinner in his honor given by the American Geographical Society at Chickering Hall, New York City, on the evening of October 28, 1880. In his Address, he stated: 

"It was the longest sledge journey ever made both in regard to time and distance, having been absent from its base eleven months and four days, and having traversed 2709 geographical or 3124 statute miles if estimated to Marble Island, our nearest point where we returned to civilized food). 

"It was the first sledge journey conducted through the heart of an Arctic winter, and a winter pronounced by the natives to be exceptionally severe as the meteorological table will fully confirm. Not but that quite a number of sledge journeys have been undertaken by white men in the Polar midwinter, but I know of none before this encompassing the whole duration of that unfavorable season; and, in fact, they have been generally very short and under circumstances where comfort commensurate with the exposure could be easily attained at some suitable base."

 "It was the first expedition wherein the white men of a party lived solely upon the same diet, voluntarily assumed, as its native allies. This fact, coupled with those already stated, shows that white men are not only able to live the same as Esquimaux in the Arctic, and with equal comfort, but also to prosecute any projects that their superior intelligence may dictate or their ambition may desire, and under all the circumstances that the natives themselves would similarly venture to undertake for less laudable objects. 

"In its searches the party was the first to make an extended summer's exploration over the ground covered by the unfortunate Franklin Party crews in their deplorable endeavors to reach aid although a glance at the map will show that their base was in a far less favorable position for such an undertaking than that of the greater majority of the numerous searchers who proceeded us. "It established the loss of the records of the Franklin Party beyond all reasonable doubt. As these alone have been the main incentive to the many expeditions since Dr. Rae's in 1854 (who established the loss of the party) this success, although unfortunately of a negative nature, is of no small character, since this fact, coupled with the loss of the party, and the burial of their dead, must necessarily settle the Franklin problem in all its important aspects."

 Page 25: “In 1882, Dr. W. Mitchell Banks ... published in Edinburgh an important paper ... [which includes] ‘Cancer is on the increase in this country. Is it possible that this is coincident with our full habit of living, as a people?’” 

Cantani’s dietary regime involved periods of energy restriction, however the German physiologist Wilhelm Ebstein cites Cantani as an authority for the use of pure fat in diabetic diets. In 1892 Ebstein published his comprehensive review of the literature on diet, lifestyle, and diabetes, Über die Lebensweise der Zuckerkranken, which includes the statement that “up to about 200 grams of fat is well tolerated by the majority of diabetics” [7]. Also in 1892, Ebstein’s book on Corpulence and its Treatment on Physiological Principles, which contained brief summaries of his findings on fat and diabetes, was translated into English [8]. In this book and his subsequent work On the Regimen to be Adopted in Cases of Gout Ebstein discussed experimental evidence on the metabolism of protein and the desirability of limiting both protein and carbohydrate, and increasing fat, in the treatment of metabolic diseases [9].

German Txt (Very hard to read)

https://archive.org/stream/diefettleibigkei00ebst/diefettleibigkei00ebst_djvu.txt

English Translation Scanned PDF:

https://dlcs.io/pdf/wellcome/pdf-item/b21050533/0

Ebstein describes Rabbit Starvation:

Page 37:

Notwithstanding the vastly important part played by nitrogenous food in human dietetics, those substances that contain no nutritive ingredients except albumen, as for instance flesh destitute of fat, are not proper food for man. As flesh satisfies his demand for carbon only when it is consumed four times in excess of the quantity required to yield the nitrogen needed for his nourishment, such a course would in the first place be far from economical, seeing that meat is one of the dearest articles of food. And then we should very soon find it impossible to consume every day the 90 oz. of pure flesh required for this purpose.

The dietetic systems of treatment now in vogue are based on an almost exclusively albuminous diet. In 1850 Chambers had already pronounced in favour of this regimen, his system excluding all fat substances such as fat, oil, butter, milk, cream, as well as sugar. Of starch-flour in the form of potatoes and even of bread he remarked, that they should be looked on with the greatest suspicion. He also insisted on a diminished consumption of liquids. 

We thus perceive that strictly speaking Chambers' cure differs in no respect from that, by which Banting grew lean in the hands of his physician Harvey, and which has received the name of the Banting cure from the patient, who has written an account of his malady and curative process. From it's specially operative factor Kisch has named it the "Anti-Fat Cure".

Cantani has gone still more vigourously to work. He bars not only all fats - fat meat, fat fish, cheese (owing to its sebacic acid), but all farinaceous preparations, all saccharine foods, sweet and aromatic fruits. Only when the patient is unable to continue this diet long enough, either through excessive repugnance to meat, or nausea of the stomach, or muscular debility, he combines it with the Harvey-Banting system, which also no doubt anathematises the fats, but allows a certain quantity of carbohydrates. 

    Hence these cures have this in common that both alike to the very utmost exclude fats, which they regard as the chief source of the accumulation of fat in the body.

    Now I will by no means deny that a series of cures does result from the Harvey-Banting and Cantani methods, that is to say, by these means corpulent persons become thin. But on the other hand it must be allowed that: 

Page 44:

Ebstein strongly supports fat for satiety.

"I would now specially insist that the suitable quantity of alimentary fat must not forsooth remove hunger in such a way as to produce dyspeptic symptoms or injure the digestion; and this I dwell upon because the question has already been more than once placed before me by competent colleagues. It is of course a tacit assumption that the fat like all other human aliments, be of unexceptionable quality. The experiments made on persons suffering from fistula in the stomach, have already shown that fat substances disturb the digestion only when they are consumed too abundantly, and I have myself often enough administered with surprising succcess alimentary fat to dyspeptics of the worst type, while limitng their allowance of carbohydrates. But my own numerous experiences have also convinced me, that in the treatment of corpulency fat agrees perfectly well even with those, who had previously regarded it with nausea. I have even noticed a total disappearance of the dyspeptic affections, which the corpulent had hitherto brought upon themselves by an improper diet. The patients preserve a good appetite, which they must learn to moderate by yielding only the actual feeling of hunger. 

The reason of this alleviation of the feeling of hunger with a proper allowance of fat in the diet is due to the circumstance, that fat checks the decomposition of albumen, and that consequently the craving to make good the waste makes itself felt more slowly and less urgently. Precisely because fewer albuminates have been decomposed, fewer require to be replaced. As by the addition of fat to the diet in the same proportion as the decomposition of albumen is diminished, the quantity of nitrogenous refuse from the assimilated substances is also limined, a smaller amount of drink is needed for its removal. Hence in this way thirst as well as hunger becomes appeased. That fats reduce the craving for food was already known to Hippocrates, who remarks in the section dealing with those that wish to become fat or lean: "the dishes must be succelent, for in this way we are easiest sated." Very interesting to me was a communication from Loew, bearing on the point that the use of fat is also effective in checking the craving for liquids. After the consumption of fat in hot climates he always noticed a diminished demand for water; thirst became decidely less irksome.

This property of fat to produce satiety more rapidly, to diminish the craving for food and abate the feeling of thirst, facilitates to an extraordinary degree the introduction of the modified diet. For to the sacrifices which after all must in any case be required of the corpulent, nothing further need be superadded at least in this direction. On the contrary, the permission to enjoy certain succulent things, always of course in moderation, as for instance salmon, pate de foie gras and such like delicacies, reconciles the corpulent gourmet to his sacrifices. These consist in the exclusion of the carbohydrates. Sugar, sweets of all kinds, potatoes in every form I forbid unconditionally. The quantity of bread is limited at most to from 3 to 3.5 oz a day, and of vegetables I allow asparagus, spinach, the various kinds of cabbage and especially the leguminous, whose value as conveyors of albumen, as Voit rightly observes, is known to few. Of meats I exclude none, and the fat in the flesh I do not wish to be avoided, but on the contrary sought after. I permit bacon fat, fat roast pork and mutton, kidney fat, and when no other fat is at hand I recommend marrow to be added to soups. I allow the sauces as well as the vegetables to be made juicy, as did Hippocrates, only for his sesam-oil I substitute butter. 

In spite of all this it would be little to the point to say that I treat the corpulent with fat, whereas I simply vindicate the full claims to which fat is entitled as an article of food. I do not suppose that the corpulent, with who we are practically concerned, will have to consume anything like the quantity of fat that Voit concedes to the working man, or that is allowed to the rank and file of the German imperial army in time of war, say from 7 to 9 oz. daily. I reduce this daily allowance of fat to from 2 to 3.5 oz on an average. The quantity of course changes with the individual relations, nor is it the same for every day. Under the influence of this diet it becomes possible to do with a less quantity of meat. This again I reduce to fully one half or three-fifths of the quantity required in the Banting system, which varies from 13 to 16 oz. a day.