Ecological conditions 

The vast Great Plains region is marked by the paucity of water. The western portion lies in the rainshadow of the Rocky Mountains. Rivers drain east to the Great Lakes, or southeast to the Mississippi basin which provides a conduit for moisture from the Gulf of Mexico. Some rivers disappear into underground aquifers. Agriculture is precarious except in larger river floodplains. Grazing animals are forced constantly to move, and formerly with them, dependent human societies like the Blackfoot. Herding remains ecologically feasible today, with bison herds now supplanted by cattle. Major subsistence species included bison, cervids (also for clothing), and wild or partially cultivated plant foods. Population density was necessarily low. Kroeber (1939:78) argued that possibilities for a Plains culture did not exist before the horse, that the region was economically marginal. Archaeology contradicts this inference, except for reduced habitation during the Altithermal period (c. 3000-2000 BC) (Schlesier 1994). Archaeological work since the 1950s demonstrates the central importance of the bison drive in the long-term Plains economy. Impounding herds was the core of subsistence until conquest (Verbicky-Todd 1984).

The Blackfoot Nation 

Let us now examine one of Wissler’s “typical” mid-nineteenth-century Plains tribes, the Nitsitapii or Blackfoot, who occupied the northwestern Plains (present-day Alberta, Saskatchewan, Montana) from at least the fourteenth century. 

Subsistence 

The Blackfoot dwelt in tipis secured against the wind by rocks, which left innumerable “tipi rings.” Blackfoot moved in relation to the wild herds, transporting their shelters with dog-pulled travois (Bozell 1988). They relied upon the bison pound, a corral toward which a herd was enticed by a young man singing a spiritually potent song in the mode of a bleating calf; meanwhile, in camp, spiritually adept adults prayed over an iniskim, usually a fossilized ammonite possibly resembling a sleeping bison. Close to the pound, V-shaped lines of rock or brush piles hid the main hunting team. As the herd entered this funnel the whole band jumped up, waving robes and shouting, to stampede the herd either over a bluff or up a closed ravine to the corral where men waited to kill the milling animals with clubs and bows and arrows. From a few dozen to two hundred bison would be killed. There was no way to let the surplus escape. 

All able-bodied adults worked to process the kill. One source reported six-person teams working on each carcass. Stomach contents and organs were eaten fresh. Most flesh was dried in thin strips, bones were cracked for marrow, chopped and boiled to extract fat. Pemmican (dried meat and rendered fat combined, often with dried berries) was packed into hide bags for storage. Pemmican, or simple dried meat, may have been a prehistoric trade item, downriver to farming towns (Brink 1990, Kehoe 1973). The historic fur trade brigades depended on tons of pemmican traded by Plains hunters. 

Hunters or pastoralists? 

Blackfoot bands, like other Plains Nations, burned large stretches of grassland to improve forage for the wild herds. In the less arid eastern prairies, burning also prevented reversion to forest. (Seasonal grass burning has been associated with the name “Blackfoot,” from moccasin soles blackened by walking over burned land. One of the confederated Nitsitapii groups is the Siksika [Blackfoot].) 

In the sense that the Blackfoot and other Plains Nations managed pasture and corraled herds in order to slaughter them, they could be considered pastoralists, although no one, including modern “buffalo ranchers,” has succeeded in domesticating bison. The strategy of maximizing forage, moving with the herds’ annual round, and seducing the lead cows to slaughter with a bleating calf song was highly efficient for exploiting this unique, rich, renewable resource. 

When horses were adopted in the seventeenth (southern Plains) and eighteenth (northern Plains) centuries (Ewers 1955:3–10) families could carry more possessions further, but the horse elaborated, rather than supplanted, the basic impounding method of hunting (Morgan 1991:154–8). Politically, horses enabled rapid attacks and retreats, ideally far from home camps, during the years of endemic warfare of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

Social relations and residential patterns 

The band/residential group was the unit task force for obtaining bison. With ten to twenty tipis (80– 160 persons), its nucleus was twenty to forty able-bodied men and an equal number of able-bodied women. The band followed its prey onto the grasslands in spring, rendezvoused with other bands in early summer, and returned to sheltered stream valleys in autumn (Epp 1988). Bands had a core of close kin, though one was free to move, even to join a band of another Nation (Sharrock 1974). 

Certain families considered themselves of higher status, training their children to exercise leadership; well dressed, they were absolved from daily drudgery. Such families maintained their relative economic advantage by lending horses to others, receiving in return a share of the hunted, raided, or harvested produce. I’nssimaa, daughter of one such family, recalled she accompanied cousins to the hunt because “Father would never get a chance to go because he had two fast buffalo horses and some one [sic] would ask to borrow them and they would bring him meat” (Kehoe 1996:392).

Invertebrates

Invertebrates, in consideration here as most frequently harvested include three scientific phyla: a) mollusks such as bivalves (e.g. clams and mussels), gastropods (e.g., snails, limpets, and abalone), cephalopods (octopi and squid), and chitons; b) arthropods, which include crabs, shrimp, and barnacles; and c) echinoderms such as sea urchins. The conventional term “shellfish” is a category that subsumes many of these taxa, regardless of the presence or kind of shell they bear, but is avoided here given its different connotations when considered in scientific, socio-cultural, or commericial harvest contexts. Regardless, invertebrates have played a continuously important role in traditional Quileute subsistence extending back millennia. Their remains – the shells of mollusks (and their beaks, in the case of cephalopods) and arthropods, and the tests, spines, and other hard parts of sea urchins – comprise a substantial volume of archaeological middens along the coast, and are also found inland on former shorelines elevated by tectonic processes above modern sea level (Duncan 1981; Wessen 1994; Wessen and Huelsbeck 2015). Ethnohistoric observations and ethnographic studies indicate that invertebrates were an important part of the traditional diet and economy, consumed locally and processed for trade with other Tribes (Ray 1954), and retain importance to the Tribal community today. A tremendous amount of traditional knowledge supports historic and modern collecting of these animals, by directing gathering practices in the right seasons and with the right methods to help ensure safe and sustainable harvests (Shaffer et al. 2004:11-17). The variety of traditionally harvested invertebrates mirrors their biogeographic diversity in the littoral, and to a lesser extent nearshore, environment. Most bivalves are sessile, or immobile, during most of their lifespan, and serve as a year-round, easily procured and nutritious resource. Other invertebrates such as crab and octopus move throughout the nearshore environment and supplemented the traditional diet as well. Although almost 100 distinct invertebrate taxa have been identified in the local archaeological record, both archaeological and ethnographic data indicate oysters, mussels, clams (especially littleneck, butter, and razor clams, as well as blue mussels), chitons, and octopus were the most intensively harvested invertebrate taxa in early times. Today crab is a major commercially harvested species by the Quileute. Bivalves are extremely sensitive to habitat perturbations because they are primarily sessile animals that filter the sea water in which they live for sustenance. Shells from shell midden sites yield environmental proxies such as molecular isotopes in certain ratios and changing widths of growth rings in single individuals, making them valuable indicators of the environmental conditions of a shoreline at a specific point in time. Shell deposits, whether cultural middens or former natural death assemblages, found in places that are no longer active shorelines may reflect either gradual environmental change such as rising sea levels or abrupt changes such as tectonic uplift. Replacement of a substrate type (e.g., mud, sand, gravel) that a particular invertebrate taxon relies upon may occur as erosion increases or decreases, which may be tied to changes in sea level, wave fetch patterns, and/or sediment sources located elsewhere along the shoreline. Some invertebrates are dependent upon lower intertidal kelp beds, particularly sea urchin whose health is directly connected to the health and abundance of kelp beds that are sensitive to sedimentation (Shaffer et al. 2004:14). A reduction in the abundance and individual size of blue mussels is attributed by Quileute elders to changes in nutrient availability, nor are certain kinds of chiton seen at the same numbers as they were in the past (Shaffer et al. 2004:15). In some cases, non-Native recreational harvest of certain invertebrate taxa has also likely contributed to their decline, as in the case of littleneck and butter clams between La Push and the mouth of the Hoh River (Shaffer at al. 2004:16). Given anticipated climate change over the coming decades that will entail changes in sea level, as well as temperature, salinity, and acidification of marine waters, this traditional resource will likely undergo negative biological impacts. Utilization of a diverse array of shellfish taxa and various invertebrate habitats has been a hallmark of traditional harvest, which may mitigate the effects of climate change to some extent.

Fish

Traditional use of fish by the Quileute includes species considered ecological keystones, such as salmon (chinook, coho, and sockeye; less so the steelhead in treaty times, although extensively today) and smelt (surf smelt and night smelt especially) (Powell et al. 1996:I-16; Powell et al. 1998:B26), and other commercially important species such as halibut and black cod (sablefish). Other taxa that have received less attention by industry and fisheries scientists were still important sources of food and bait, such as sculpin and surfperch. The archaeological record, as seen at Ozette and La Push, suggests focus on harvesting fish in the open water. The small numbers of herring identified at Ozette and smelt at La Push indicate a recovery bias that likely does not reflect the importance of these small keystone species that were important prey for humans, as well as larger fish and sea mammals (Huelsbeck 1994a; Wessen 2006). Ethnohistoric observations and ethnographic studies indicate that anadromous fish, principally salmon (primarily Chinook and coho), were an important component of the traditional economy. The places along rivers where fish were harvested were named and identified with specific families, with rapids being the focal fishing places. The traditional fishing practice included a variety of traps, tools, and nets. Fish were smoked for storage using vine maple or alder (Ray 1954). Other fish noted in ethnographic research include steelhead, halibut, flounder, cod, sturgeon, as well as silver eels (e.g., Ray 1954). Fish that were caught in the open ocean were harvested using a variety of different lines and hooks. Today, black cod and halibut are the most important open-water fish for Quileute commercial harvest. Although black cod bones have yet to be identified in shell midden remains along Washington’s outer coast, recent analysis of fish remains elsewhere on the Olympic Peninsula indicate this may be a product of persistent mis-identification on the part of archaeologists (Nims 2016), and that local shell middens may indeed contain a record of pre-contact use of this fish. Response of certain fish taxa to environmental change has been the focus of study by fisheries scientists for decades, although the progress made in understanding patterns such as salmonid return rates and climate forcing mechanisms has yet to be well understood in terms of these patterns’ effects on traditional fisheries. Pre-contact fishing patterns as seen in the archaeological record show general continuity through time in fishing patterns; with differences in fish bone assemblages between houses excavated at Ozette attributed to social differences and contemporaneous families harvesting in different family-owned fishing territories (Huelsbeck 1994a:86). Unpredictable weather makes fishing in the oceans more dangerous; fishermen report that glaciers and icefields on coastal mountain ranges were used as landmarks, and their decline has made traditional navigation more difficult (Papiez 2009).

Birds

Traditional use of birds in this region is known from relatively small but taxonomically diverse archaeological assemblages from Ozette and La Push, and passing mention in ethnographic notes. Although interpretations of archaeological data based on specimen counts and meat weight estimates suggest that bird hunting was secondary to sea mammal harvesting and fin-fishing in terms of importance in the seasonal subsistence cycle, their importance in terms of taste and non-food uses is highlighted in ethnohistoric observations (e.g., DePuydt 1994:249; Swan 1869). Pelagic birds, notably albatross, are relatively well-represented in pre-contact Quileute shell middens (Schalk 2014; Wessen 2006), and albatross is specifically mentioned by James Swan as a species given to him by a Quileute chief (Boxberger testimony, US v Washington, Subproceeding 09-1, 3/12 Tr. pp. 112:25- 114:7). Because their traditional territory includes the major ecotone where open ocean meets the rivers, prairies, wetlands and uplands of the Olympic Peninsula, the Quileute had access to waterfowl and other resident birds available year-round as well as birds that usually spend their time well out over the open ocean or trans-continental migration routes. Bird species reported as prey include ducks (including shaggy ducks), geese, grouse, as well as gulls as sources of eggs. Migratory bird hunting began in May, and these were shot with arrows or snared, while gull eggs were collected in June, especially from the offshore islands. The more local archaeological bird bone assemblages show a variety of species that served the needs for food, as well as bones, feathers, and other anatomical parts for making tools, clothing, and other items. However, these assemblages do not shed light on changes in bird procurement or the health of their populations over time (DePuydt 1994; Duncan 1981). Some bird taxa have historically become more abundant, but as a result of environmental change and not in a way that benefits traditional subsistence. For example, some Canada geese have become resident to the region as farmland has increased and provide a year-round source of food for the geese (Shaffer et al. 2004:27).

Marine Mammals

Marine mammals have always played a central role in traditional lifeways of the Quileute and other northern coastal Washington Tribes, setting these groups apart from other Native groups in Washington and the southern Northwest Coast. Marine mammals, most notably whales and fur seals, are well-represented in both the local archaeological and ethnographic records, and have been the focus of modern fisheries biologists for several decades. For these reasons, the relationship between coastal Washington Native peoples and marine mammal resources is perhaps one of the most informative lines of evidence for traditional adaptations to environmental change. Archaeological data sets provide insight into change over time in the methods and targets of traditional sea mammal harvest. The Ozette assemblage is the largest and most thoroughly studied archaeological assemblage of marine mammal bones in the region (e.g., Gustafson 1968; Huelsbeck 1994a), although the shell midden at La Push exhibits the same general taxonomic profile indicating a focus on marine mammals including fur seals and whales (Duncan 1981; Reagan 1917). Archaeological and ethnographic evidence demonstrates over 900 years of regular fur sealing up to 50 miles offshore by the Quileute people. Over 90% of the mammal bones in the La Push midden are fur seal bones (Wessen 2006). Fur seal biology demonstrates a centuries-old migratory path 30- 60 miles offshore of the Washington coast (Trites and Roberson 2014). Ethnohistoric observations and ethnographic studies indicate that the Quileute were a renowned whaling group, and that whaling was an extremely important activity in the traditional economy and “considered the highest occupation” (Andrade 1931; Frachtenberg 1916; Howeattle and Payne 1916). A diverse and technologically sophisticated material culture was used to harvest whales, including canoes, paddles, harpoons, and floats. One of the more iconic whale species along the coast of Washington, the gray whale, was traditionally hunted in May during the seasonal round. Other species, such as finback whales and humpback whales, were also traditionally hunted on an annual basis. The cultural significance of whaling was emphasized by the high degree of ritualized behavior associated with it, and the specific rules which determined the sharing of the meat with those who contributed to the hunt (Frachtenberg 1916; Singh 1966:44,79). Alongside whaling, harvest of sea lions, hair seals, sea otters, and porpoises was an important part of the traditional economy (Singh 1966). They were usually harvested from March to July during the seasonal round. There was an important spiritual component to sealing, such as avoidance of certain foods on the part of the sealer, which was as important as mastery of equipment and skill in pursuing these prey.

Terrestrial Mammals

Harvesting of terrestrial mammals was an important part of the traditional economy of the Quileute and other Tribes on the Olympic Peninsula. Archaeological and ethnographic evidence suggest the importance of some of these species, such as elk, deer and bear, were seasonally hunted and interwoven within the social fabric of Quileute culture (Ray 1954). The presence of terrestrial mammal remains in archaeological shell midden deposits confirm hunting forays along the coast and into the interior to capture mammals both large (bear, elk, and deer) and small (e.g., beaver, raccoon), but in much smaller proportions than marine mammals. As noted above, some of this may be from the various biases inherent in data only available from coastal shell midden deposits.

Ethnohistoric observations and ethnographic studies contribute additional insight on traditional use of land mammals. They indicate that elk were hunted with bows, traps, and were also driven, and their meat was dried. Deer hunting areas have been identified, and sometimes associated with specific families. Elk and blacktail deer were traditionally hunted from June to August using bows, arrows, drives, and snares (Singh 1966: 65), and elk hides were trade items and used to construct temporary hunting shelters. An effort was made to hunt elk near canoe landings, for ease of transport back to camps and villages. Mature elk were preferred for their higher quantities of fat; elk hunting required spiritual expertise and assistance. Deer and bear were also trapped, with specialized deadfalls designed for bear in the late fall (Singh 1966: 42). The meat of elk, deer, and bear was often wind- or sun-dried and sometimes smoked as well, with the fat cut away from the meat to dry separately. Beaver and land otters were speared and caught in creeks and streams in November, often using logs to block the flow of water. Rabbits were also hunted or snared, and their meat was usually eaten fresh.

Hunting in the interior for game such as deer and elk is a traditional lifeway that has persisted even as other subsistence pursuits such as fishing and marine mammal hunting have fluctuated over the past century under shifting federal regulations and reconciliation with treaty rights, as well as from highly visible environmental changes to habitats and prey populations. Still, terrestrial mammals are dependent on habitat stability, and climate change that alters vegetation communities and hydrography has the potential to affect the productivity and accessibility of certain taxa. Changes in forest- and brush-fire regimes, for example, can cause prairie habitats and their ecotonal margins near woodlands to expand or contract, which may attract browsing ungulates such as deer and elk if prairies expand, or make them less aggregated and harder to hunt when forests encroach upon prairies.

Living as Pastoralists

Camel breeding is one of the primary sources of work for the Rashaida people, with the group often living a fully-nomadic life as pastoralists.[27] Within the region of Eastern Sudan, in which the Rashaida are predominantly found, pastoralism is a leading way of life for tribes. The Rashaida people utilise their camel herds for multiple purposes. Camel milk is extremely important for the Rashaida people as it is a fundamental source of their vitamins and proteins, making it their primary focus for herding. However, they also produce camels for meat to sell to the Egyptians and for racing in which they sell to the Gulf states.[27]

In these regions there are various obstacles such as droughts and widespread famine, meaning that the pastoral groups have had to create various strategies to deal with the complexity of the eco-system.[29] The Rashaida follow a seasonal pattern of migration, with several seasons and consequent living patterns occurring throughout the year. Beginning in mid-July they begin a pattern of migration with their camel herd to follow the rain showers. From the beginning of August to the end of September, there is less movement, and they leave their camels to graze near their campsites, turning their focus to their livestock and agriculture practices. The next season, ‘Ad Darat’ has more of a focus on finding pasture for the livestock as conditions start to get drier. Milk supplies also start to dwindle, so there is a need to harvest grain crops. The final season is the dry season, in which migration stops and they set up camps near reliable sources of water.[21]

The difference between catching a 5-pound salmon in a net and harpooning a 20-ton whale seems clear enough, but what do we do when we find the same coast Salish "sea-food producer" (a native category) harpooning at one time a 200-pound seal and at another a I,ooo-pound sturgeon ? The difference, as it was with roots and shellfish, is simply a matter of food value, and not a very great one at that. The coast Salish also harpooned salmon and netted seals, ducks, and deer. If we base our taxonomy on implements and activities, we have to ignore the taxonomy of biology, and vice versa. If we set up a category of activity based on either type of implement (as "net") or biological taxon (as "fish"), we will still be ignoring two other variables, specialization and cooperat i on , which may be more pertinent to the questions we are asking than are types of implements or animals.

For example, some of my informants and the informants of others have believed that the gill net is not aboriginal in the Salish area. However, a comparison of native terms for the gill net and the record of an earlier observer suggest that it probably was, in fact, aboriginal.

How to slaughter a reindeer using traditional Sami knowledge

 by Issát Turi

Slaughtering a reindeer in the traditional way means doing it in such a way that you can make use of the whole animal: for food, clothing, medicinal purposes and the many other things you can derive from the animal. When thinking traditionally, multiple decisions need to be made when choosing a reindeer to slaughter. You need to look at the animals’ gender, age and even fur color. These varied and complex decisions are underpinned by the need to maintain a diverse and strong herd, in case of harsh winter conditions. A diverse herd will be more resilient and give us herders more flexibility when dealing with unexpected climate events. Preserving meat The traditional way of slaughtering is also a matter of food safety. When you slaughter out in the tundra then you need to know what steps will best take care of your meat and avoid the growth of unwanted bacteria. Traditionally we have started with what we call giehtadit, which is to kill the animal with a knife right into the heart. This way, the reindeer will bleed out from inside the chest cavity after which we let the reindeer baggat, which means we let it rest and ‘inflate’ itself. The amount of time you let the reindeer baggat depends on the season, the weather and the temperature before you start to skin it. The Sámi concept of baggan is both about food safety and flavor enhancement. The baggan process makes the meat tender and juicy. This also has the effect of loosening the skin so you are not touching the meat so much during the slaughter. This is ‘on the land’ food safety where the traditional way of slaughtering may be the best way. Only after you have let the reindeer baggat, do you start to skin the reindeer. The traditional way of skinning a reindeer is doing it in such a way that you can make use of the whole hide. This way you can also use the legs and skin of the head for clothing. However, there are important seasonal differences. You slaughter calves in late July or early August for beaskanáhkki and then you use the whole skin to sew the traditional winter garment, which is called beaska. When you need a warmer beaska - such as when you need to watch over your herd during winter nights - then you slaughter later in the autumn, when the hair of the reindeer has grown longer. After you have skinned the reindeer you take out the intestines with which you make your blood sausages and then you open the chest cavity where the blood has already coagulated and has already separated. This way you will get the best blood for márffit (blood sausages) or guhpárat (meat balls made with blood). After that, you cut the meat up in a way that is not only the best way of preserving the meat but also a way in which you get the most out of the reindeer, in terms of food.

Sámi cuisine does not take shape in the ‘kitchen’, but really starts at the moment when and where the reindeer is slaughtered, the condition of the reindeer in the days and weeks before it was slaughtered and finally how it was killed. Mális is another important part of Sámi food culture and mális means to cook the meat with just water and salt. Then the quality of the meat is very important, as the reindeer must be fat. Because reindeer meat is not marbled, this means that the more fat it has on the outside, the higher the quality of the meat is. Meat quality is also determined by how you kill the animal.

SUOVASTUHTTIT: USING FIRE AND SMOKE TO PRESERVE REINDEER MEAT by Rávdná Biret Márjá Eira Sara, Inger Marie Gaup Eira, Kia Krarup Hansen, Inger Anita Smuk, Issát Turi, and Astrid Riddervold

Sámi reindeer herder’s traditional knowledge about meat security and meat conservation is rich and deep. These are technologies developed over millennia, which secure the sustainable and safe use of animals for food production. The renowned Norwegian philologist Konrad Nielsen who compiled the exhaustive Sámi language dictionaries in the late 1920s and 30s refers to suovas as the smoke fire - the fire that gives smoke for smoking, explaining the characteristics of the fire. Suovasbiergu means «smoked meat», while suovastuhttit is the Sámi term for the technique or practice of smoking meat and fish. Suovastuhttit is little documented, but is in daily use in reindeer herding communities across Sápmi. Reindeer herder’s knowledge of smoking meat integrates the understanding of selecting the right type of animals for slaughtering, at the right season of the year and using specific parts of the reindeer. Further knowledge includes; the correct use of salt and moisture generated from selecting the specific plants and firewood. This produces a specific and dense white smoke, which penetrates the meat tissue without the use of too high temperatures. The type of plants used and how long the smoking takes place (could be 3-6 hours), determines the degree of conservation and taste. A lack of traditional knowledge about the process of suovastuhttit might affect human health and wellbeing. The combined antibacterial effects of the components of salt and smoke protect the meat from degradation. Even today with modern deep freeze technologies, suovastuhttit is still practiced and the characteristic flavour of suovasbiergu is preferred in the Sámi household.

HOW TO MAKE A FAMILY MEAL – SÁMI FOOD KNOWLEDGE AND TRADITIONS by Máret Rávdná Buljo

The Sámi ‘family meal’ is not only the center of a family coming and sharing food together. In fact, as described here, it’s not a ‘meal’ as might be understood by many, where people sit down at a certain time each day and have dinner. Life with reindeer means movement, especially in Spring and Autumn. Someone is always with the reindeer. Sometimes the whole family can be with the reindeer. Living with reindeer means your life is lived according to the rhythm of the animals. So, to describe a ‘family meal’, is really a description of the collective journey of reindeer, people and food. The family meal starts with choosing a reindeer to slaughter, how it is slaughtered, how it is processed and deciding who gets to eat which specific part of the animal. The family meal, is also a means by which important knowledge is transferred across generations about animals, health and food safety, based on the raw materials available. Creating the family meal requires a considerable amount of knowledge and time and involves many members of the family. Making it takes time. The meal might not be ready at a certain time, but there is so much to be done and often many people to do it. During this time of preparation, stories are told, knowledge is shared and children learn the useful life skill of work and self-sufficiency. During preparation time guests may appear unannounced. They are to be made welcome, and they too shall find food and warmth. A ‘family meal’ is really about the coming and going of family life, and this is not possible to create or recreate in a modern industrial slaughterhouse. I grew up in Guovdageaidnu in a reindeer herding family in a village where most people are Sámi, speak Sámi and have some direct or indirect connection to reindeer husbandry. I now live on the coast of Norway and herding and the preparation and eating of reindeer products remains at the heart of our daily life. When we make a ‘family meal’, although we never called it that, there are many steps and observances along the way to making it, codes of etiquette that need to be observed. I learned them from my immediate and extended family and now teach them to my own children. The preparations and observances start with the slaughter of the reindeer. After slaughtering a reindeer, the spine is the first part that is used to make a family meal, and for reindeer herders it is the best meat. It is regarded as almost holy. The spine is taken immediately after slaughtering and is usually cut up in joints and put into a pot for boiling. The large dorsal sinew (sávvosuotna) is removed when the carcass is still whole. This sinew is very good for sewing a coat made of reindeer fur or making nice handicrafts with small and neat stiches. Our family tradition is that certain parts of the spine are designated for the different family members. The tail (bieža) is for the butcher, the sacrum (gánis) is for the person who took care of the intestines (usually mother or a female person). The vertebrae (ruossadávttit) are for father and the other adults, and the vertebrae in the middle (gaskačielgedávttit) are for the youth. The vertebrae on the spine shoulder (sehpodatdávttit) are for smaller children because it is easy for a child to hold the bone. Kidneys (moninčalmmit), spleen (dávdi), blood sausages (márffit) and small intestines (sáhppasat) are boiled together with the spine. The broth acquires the varying taste of these different parts. Importantly, these parts replace vegetables with regards to vitamins. We drink the broth and dip the meat in it. The fat layer on the top of the broth is skimmed off, to be used as a separate dip. Spine and broth are a natural medicine for treating a wide variety of different sicknesses and spine broth is seen as the most valuable broth from a reindeer. Fresh reindeer meat does not need to be boiled for more than 20 minutes for it to become tender. If boiled for longer, the meat becomes hard, and then you have to boil the meat for at least another hour until it becomes tender again. The spleen is very good food for young babies, being good ‘food training’ and being easy for a baby to suck.

Blood sausages and small intestines are also a part of the family meal. These should be shared so that every family member gets a piece of the different tasting blood sausages. Also small intestines should be shared. This has been done from ancient times and was a way to ensure that everyone got all the vitamins and minerals from the food eaten by the reindeer. The names of the blood sausages are: Čeaksa (omasum), doggi (abomasum), maŋŋebuoidi (rectum), gahpárus (duodenum), guopmolággá (appendix), čalmmás (reticulum), seakkaguopmolággá (the thinner/smaller part of appendix) and čalmmásnjálbmi (opening of the reticulum). Also according to our practice, the upper marrowbones (čuožžemas) of the back legs were for father, the lower marrowbones of the back legs (njiehcehas) were for mother, the lower marrowbones of the front legs (vuorgu) were for the smallest children and the upper marrowbones of the front legs (dábbá) were for the older children in the family. According to this way, every member of the family got the pieces of the animal that gave them the most necessary nutrients. Not all families are alike of course and traditions and customs vary from region to region, from siida to siida. In some families I have heard that blood sausages made from the omasum are for males only. These stories, traditions and etiquette have much to teach us about a healthy relationship between people, animals and food.

For milennia Sámi food consisted of meat (in winter) and fish (in summer). In the past, when hunting played a more significant role, wild reindeer meat was also consumed. Reindeer husbandry became the main source of meat food for the Kola Sámi by the end of the 1800s, as hunting had already reduced game stocks. Reindeer meat was boiled, sun-dried, frozen and less often – salted. Among the Kola Sámi, there is almost no evidence of raw meat eating. As early as the 16thC it was recorded that Sámi had acquired the habit of boiling food and that even by that time they already slightly preferred fried meat to raw. By the late 19th and early 20thC, reindeer meat was usually served as a soup seasoned with rye flour, salt and ground berries (crowberries and cloudberries). People ate the meat first and then drank the remaining broth. However, for centuries Kola Sámi have consumed raw frozen meat, slicing it finely for eating. This is called stroganina, and is a wellknown dish among many northern reindeer herding peoples. While Sámi in what we today call the Nordic countries widely used reindeer milk to make cheese, Kola Sámi do not appear to have milked their reindeer to any large extent. In addition to reindeer meat and fish, in winter Kola Sámi ate poultry, mainly grouse, which they usually boiled in soup and sometimes fried. All parts of reindeer were consumed, except the lungs, which were given to the dogs. Kidneys, slightly seasoned with salt, were put on a stone in front of the fireplace and thus cooked. Liver was used for frying. Brains, heart, tongue, stomach and brisket were considered special delicacies. Sámi also liked fresh reindeer blood, which they drank for its medicinal purposes. To prepare kholodets with reindeer tongues, we need reindeer hooves and tongues. Clean the reindeer hooves thoroughly, and place in cold water. Change the water after 6 hours. Place the soaked hooves in a casserole and cover with water, add meat and bring to the boil. Then decrease the temperature and cook on a low heat for 8 hours. For preparation of dishes with reindeer tongue, it is important to soak it in cold water for several hours. Then the broth will be light and clean. 1.5 hours prior to the end of cooking, add a reindeer tongue, then (over the last 20 minutes) add peppercorns and a bay leaf, and/or some vegetables and season with salt according to your taste. Take everything out of the casserole, detach meat from bones and if applicable cool the tongue and peel the skin. Serve in bowls, adding garlic and cover with meat broth. Let the dish jellify and serve. Nowadays, kholodets is cooked with a wide range of ingredients. For the meat part of kholodets people use beef, veal, pork, poultry. Any variety of vegetables (carrots, onions, garlic, celery), herbs and spices are used. However, the most important part of meat kholodets remain the trotters or hooves, pork or beef ears and heads. These special ingredients allow the cooking of kholodets without adding gelatin. Kholodets prepared with gelatin becomes «zalivnoye», which is a completely different dish.

For example, North Sámi like to dry reindeer meat, whereas southern Sámi tend to smoke it and then dry it. There are many practical explanations for different regional practices that include access to firewood, the presence of permafrost, and the need for Vitamin C (where reindeer blood is a significant source of vitamins and minerals).

By this time I was heartily tired, and found the refreshment of some cow’s milk, and meat, with a chair to sit upon, very acceptable. I could not but wonder to see my two Laplanders, who had accompanied me during the whole of this day’s tedious walk, one of them fifty years of age, the other upwards of seventy, running and frisking about in sport, though each of them had carried a burthen all the way; not indeed a very heavy one, but, considering the distance, by no means trifling. This set me seriously to consider the question put by Dr. Rosen, “why are the Laplanders so swift-footed?” To which I answer, that it arises not from any one cause, but from the cooperation of many.

Animal food. 

It is observable that such of the creation as feed on vegetables, are of a more rigid, though strong, fibre; witness the Stag, the Bull, &c.; while, on the contrary, carnivorous animals, as the Dog, Cat, Wolf, Lion ,&c., are all more flexible. The fact and its cause are both evident. The Laplanders are altogether carnivorous. They have no vegetable food brought to their tables. They now and then indeed eat a raw stalk of Angelica, as we would eat an apple, and occasionally a few leaves of Sorrel; but this, compared with the bulk of their food, is scarcely more than as one to a million. In spring they eat fish, in winter nothing but meat, in summer milk and its various preparations. It may further be remarked, that salted food, which these people do not use, renders the body heavy.

The Laplander is satisfied with a small quantity of food at once. He does not eat his fill at one meal, but takes food from time to time, as he feels inclined.

On the contrary, the peasants of Finland cram themselves with as many turnips, and those of Scania with as much flummery, as their stomachs can possibly receive. The inhabitants of Dalecarlia eat till the body is as tight as a drum. Such people are much better qualified to labour in the cultivation of the ground, than to run over the alps. The Laplanders are always of a thin slender make. I never saw one of them with a large belly. Milk diet also contributes to render them active.

Carl Linnaeus, Lachesis lapponica, or, A tour in Lapland, Vol I., pg. 325-332 (1811, written in 1732)

I never met with any people who lead[Pg 27] such easy happy lives as the Laplanders. In summer they make two meals of milk in the course of the day, and when they have gone through their allotted task of milking their reindeer, or making cheese, they resign themselves to indolent tranquillity, not knowing what to do next. In winter their food is cheese, taken once or twice a day, but in the evening they eat meat. A single reindeer supplies four persons with food for a week.

Carl Linnaeus, Lachesis lapponica, or, A tour in Lapland, Vol II., pg. 26-27 (1811, written in 1732)