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Ethnography database

Gauchos

Argentina

First Contact:

0
10
90
gath % / hunt % / fish %
75
25
0
fat % / prot % /carb %

About the Tribe

I had now been several days without tasting anything besides meat: I did not at all dislike this new regimen; but I felt as if it would only have agreed with me with hard exercise. I have heard that patients in England, when desired to confine themselves exclusively to an animal diet, even with the hope of life before their eyes, have hardly been able to endure it. Yet the Gaucho in the Pampas, for months together, touches nothing but beef. But they eat, I observe, a very large proportion of fat, which is of a less animalised nature; and they particularly dislike dry meat, such as that of the Agouti. Dr. Richardson, also, has remarked, “that when people have fed for a long time solely upon lean animal food, the desire for fat becomes so insatiable, that they can consume a large quantity of unmixed and even oily fat without nausea:” this appears to me a curious physiological fact. It is, perhaps, from their meat regimen that the Gauchos, like other carnivorous animals, can abstain long from food. I was told that at Tandeel some troops voluntarily pursued a party of Indians for three days, without eating or drinking.

Charles Darwin, Voyage of the Beagle (1839)

Importance of Animal Products

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Gwich'in

Gwich'in Lands, Inuvik, Unorganized, NT X0E, Canada

First Contact:

5
0
95
gath % / hunt % / fish %
75
25
0
fat % / prot % /carb %

About the Tribe

Gwich’in are Indigenous Athabaskan Dene peoples who have inhabited the areas of the interior region of Alaska in the U.S.A, and the Northern Yukon, and Inuvik Region of the Northwest Territories, Canada; since time immemorial. Gwich’in are commonly referred to as just ̧Gwich’in» due to the English translation being «The people of a certain area», so saying, «the Gwich’in people» would be similar to saying «the people» twice. Gwich’in are also known as Dinjii Zhuh, which refers to a person as a whole, rather than the area in which they inhabit. Gwich’in are known by many different names including ‘the caribou people’. Today, Gwich’in are settled in 11 different communities and ten different bands across northern Alaska and Canada, still to this day practicing ancestral traditions such as hunting, fishing, trapping, moose hide tanning, and sewing. The land, animals, language, and culture are very important to us with many different organizations and initiatives aimed towards autonomy. The Gwich’in language is considered critically endangered as approximately out of 9,000 or so Gwich’in, only 500 people still speak the language. Although the Gwich’in language is taught in the primary and secondary school system, the number of language speakers continues to decline. Organizations that exist to combat language decline include the Gwich’in Social and Cultural Institute, the Gwich’in Language Revival Campaign #SpeakGwichinToMe, and the Yukon and Alaska Native Language Centers.

Importance of Animal Products

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As a young girl I travelled throughout the land with my father learning about the importance of the caribou (vadzaih), being taught how to identify animal tracks and different food sources of the caribou and being taught stories and proverbs. One such is a rite of passage for manhood in Gwich’in culture, which is when a boy hunts his first caribou, which then must be given away and shared with community members, specifically elders. Another is that half of our Gwich’in heart is that of a caribou, as our reliance on the animal is so large, that we cannot exist without them. Gwich’in were originally a semi-nomadic people, following the caribou, which we depended on for food, shelter, clothing, tools, and weapons. My aunty vividly remembers living on the land with her grandparents for months at a time and all of her clothing being made out of caribou hides, from her shirt to her jacket to her pants, and even her toboggan, and watching her grandfather make snowshoes from caribou sinew and willows. Other animals and plants harvested for Gwich’in sustenance were and still are big game such as moose, waterfowl such as ducks, geese and swans, as well as small game like ptarmigans, rabbits, and grouse, including an abundance of beloved berries such as cranberries, blueberries, and cloudberries. No part of an animal is ever to be wasted and there is to be no disrespect when it comes to harvesting and handling an animal, including when it comes to the care of the land. The decline of the caribou due to over-hunting, climate change, mining exploration and development, inefficiency and or absence of harvest management and land-use planning, are all grave threats to the survival of the caribou, and therefore also us Gwich’in. Critical calving grounds inside the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge are threated by development in Alaska. Different caribou dishes loved and enjoyed include caribou marrow, ribs, heart, intestines, soup, stew, and dry meat (nilii gaih). Two different recipes that I would like to share are itsuu (pemmican) and nilii gaih (dry meat).

I have chosen these two dishes for their cultural and personal significance. Itsuu is traditionally a ceremonial dish, gifted during a period of mourning and nilii gaih is a personal favorite of mine, prized for its taste and unique flavor. Both dishes are prepared seasonally by either men or women, and predate flour. They are also favored due to their convenience when travelling long distances. Itsuu is more commonly known by the Cree word ‘pemmican’ and is a traditional Gwich’in ceremonial dish. Itsuu is a sweet tasting and filling comfort food and the animal fat in the dish is very sustaining. Traditionally, Itsuu is made with frozen caribou fat mixed with left over caribou dry meat with local berries. A contemporary way to make itsuu is with boiled caribou meat, grounded up with added sugar and berries with melted margarine then formed into meatballs and frozen. A story that I have about itsuu is when my uncle’s common-law partner passed away, my father gifted him itsuu and this was one of my first traditional Gwich’in teachings. Nilii gaih, or dry meat is another beloved delicacy made by slicing any wild meat (specifically caribou meat) very thinly and then drying it on a rack, turning it over periodically. Some people prefer to pound the meat to make it softer.

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Hadza

Tanzania

First Contact:

80
0
20
gath % / hunt % / fish %
fat % / prot % /carb %

About the Tribe

The Hadza is a HG group of about 750 people. They live in Eastern Rift Valley near Lake Eyasi in Northern Tanzania. As stated, Hadza feature prominently in ethnographic analogies with Paleolithic.


Herders have lived near the Hadza for many centuries (Marlowe, 2010). The Hadza do not make or use stone tools. They most probably relied on trading iron from neighboring farmers for at least 500 years since Bantu-speaking farmers arrived in the area (Marlowe, 2010). At the time of contact with European researchers, many of them were speaking their neighbors' language as a second language (Marlowe, 2010). Although in 1917 they were described by Bagshawe as not having dogs, evidence from 1931 to 38 indicates that they kept dogs (Marlowe, 2002:Table 1).


Woodburn (1968) reported that systematic subsistence data had not been gathered in the eight years since the beginning of his research in 1960. A 2009 paper by Marlowe and Berbesque reported that the caloric values of the Hadza diet were still being analyzed. A 31% meat component in caloric terms is reported in Marlowe et al. (2014) and Berbesque et al. (2016).


Considerable ecological changes must have impacted the Hadza territory for many years before European contact due to the encroachment of the Bantu-speaking herders some 500 years ago. Later, Nilotic-speaking cattle herders gradually took over the best foraging spots when they arrived from Sudan 200–300 years ago (Marlowe, 2010:17,18). Marlowe (2010:17) cites a personal communication from Woodburn, indicating a significant increase in herders' presence during the 1950's. Marlowe (2010:36) also provides evidence for herders' encroachment effect on the Hadza. The Hadza themselves say that there is less game than in the past. As noted, Obst (1912) reported seeing large herds of big game in the Yalda valley in 1911 during Obst's visit whereas these days, it is mostly Datonga cows and some gazelles.“ From exclusive use of over 2500 km2 at the time of the late 19th century European encounter, they retained only 800–1000 km2 by the early 1980's. By that time, further encroachment by Datonga herders took place with striking environmental effects, both on humans and particularly on wild ungulates, which were kept away from water holes. The Datonga's practice of digging large wells caused channel erosion during sub- sequent wet seasons, further decreasing the prevalence of natural water holes, which previously supported fauna during the dry season (O'Connell, 2006). Elephants were hunted for their tusks by foreign hunters for more than 100 years in this region until they became rare (Marlowe, 2010:19,30). The three largest animals – rhinos, hippos, and elephants – are not hunted today (Marlowe, 2010:58). Elephants and hippos are rare, and rhinos are absent in the Hadza territory (Marlowe, 2010:58; Marlowe, 2002). As noted, elephants and other mega- herbivores dominated the African herbivore biomass (Hempson et al., 2015), so the dramatic decline in their density can be a 'game-changer' for groups that rely on either hunting or gathering for their subsistence. The significance of large animals to hunting yield is demonstrated by the fact that although only 50% of the animals hunted by the Hadza were defined as 'large,' they provided a full 90% of the weight of the hunted meat (Marlowe, 2010:Figure 8.7). Analyzing a sample of 60 hunts of the Hadza (Bunn et al., 1988; O'Connell et al., 1990), we found that 57% of the weight of the hunted animals came from the largest animal, the giraffe and that 90% of the weight came from animals that weighed over 200 kgs (Ben-Dor and Barkai, In press).


The dwindling elephant population in the Hadza territory that was already evident by the beginning of the 20th century (Marlowe, 2002) may have had a particular influence on the non-meat component of their Pla-AniR. Baobab fruits and seeds provide some 18% of the Hadza calories and honey some 14% (Marlowe et al., 2014). The bee species that supply most of the honey to the Hadza (Apis mellifera) live on the baobab trees. Elephants are known to be a formidable 'predator' (killer) of baobab trees (Barnes, 1980), and their presence is known to sig- nificantly reduce the density and age structure of these trees (Edkins et al., 2008; Leuthold, 1977). Maintaining populations of baobab trees is a significant concern of park managers in parks where elephants re- side (Barnes, 1980).

Additionally, barries “comprised the largest share of the Haza diet, as measured by kilocalories,” and during their season (late dry and rainy seasons), “totally dominate daily consumption every day they are available” (Marlowe, 2010:114). Berries formed between 18 and 37% of the weight of the Hadza diet, depending on the season, and their avail- ability fluctuates in a complementary manner with baobab fruits throughout the year (Marlowe and Berbesque, 2009). However, here again, fruits, including berries, are actively sought out by elephants, and elephants are known to be a dispersal agent for barries, among other fruits (Owen-Smith, 1988:31; Feer, 1995). In all probability, with a natural, dominant biomass presence of elephants, and other mega- herbivores, the Hadza's potential for calories from the backbone of their non-meat diet - berries, baobab, and honey - would have diminished significantly. On the other hand, the relative contribution of animal- sourced food to their diet would have likely surged.

Importance of Animal Products

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Haida

Haida Gwaii, British Columbia, Canada

First Contact:

10
70
20
gath % / hunt % / fish %
65
25
10
fat % / prot % /carb %

About the Tribe

For the Haida of the Queen Charlotte islands we have a statement by an early observer, Poole, quoted by Niblack, who writes :Some of these berries are collected and dried for winter's use, forming, with dried fish, the principal winter's supply. Poole, ( 1863) says of the Haida, that they often, through feasting or improvidence, eat up all the dried berries before spring, and "were it not for a few bulbs which they dig out of the soil in the early Spring-time, while awaiting the halibut season, numbers of Indians really would starve to death" (Niblack, 1890, pp. 276-77).

Importance of Animal Products

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Hutaym

First Contact:

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About the Tribe

The Hutaym (also Hutaim, Huteim) are a tribe of northwestern Arabia. Traditionally, they are considered a pariah group by the Arabs and their name has been used as a catch-all term covering other pariah groups as well, such as the ʿAwāzim of eastern Arabia and the Jibāliyya of the Sinai.[1] Many groups labelled Hutaym call themselves Rashāyida .[2]

Hutaym (plural Hitmān) is sometimes incorrectly spelled Ḥutaym or al-Hutaym. The standard pronunciation in Peninsular Arabic is ihtēm.[1] It comes from the adjective ahtam and means "a man whose two front teeth are broken off at the root", that is, one who cannot trace his ancestry.[2] A member of the tribe is called a Hutaymī. The main sections of the tribe are Āl Barrāk, Āl Qalādān, Āl Shumaylān, Maẓābira, Nawāmisa and Fuhayqāt. The head of Āl Barrāk is traditionally chief of the whole tribe.[1][3]

There is little reliable information on the origins of the Hutaym, which is consistent with the name's being a derogatory term applied by outsiders to socially low-ranking groups.[2] The Arab tribes regard them as neither Qaḥṭānite nor ʿAdnānite and thus not true Arabs by descent, and refuse to intermarry with them. One story, however, attributes their pariah status to an act of incest by the eponymous ancestor Hutaym, who was presumably an Arab. Another account makes them descendants of the Banū Hilāl.[1] James Raymond Wellsted, who visited them in the early 1830s, speculated that they were the Ichthyophagi mentioned by classical authors.[4]

The Hutaym regard themselves as kin of another pariah group, the Sharārāt. Both groups breed dromedaries and are thus more respected than the Ṣulayb, a pariah group that breeds donkeys. They are regarded as superior hunters to the Bedouins (noble Arab nomads), but inferior to the Ṣulayb. They also raise sheep and goats. The Hutaym of the coast are fishers.[1]

The Hutaym live mainly around Khaybar and the Ḥarrat Khaybar lava field has also been called the Ḥarrat Hutaym. They also live in the Nafūd and the oasis al-Mustajidda and have migrated into the Tihāma to the south. Groups labelled Hutaymī are also found in Egypt, Sudan and the islands of the Red Sea, although it is not clear whether these groups are actually related to peninsular Hutaym. The Hutaymī camel traders of Kassala have intermarried with the Beja.[1]

The term Hutaym first appears in Arabic literature around 1200, then again in Ottoman tax records of the early 16th century. They were one of the five tribes of the sanjak of Gaza who paid tribute to the sultan. A record of 1553 states they habitually raided the sanjak of Ajlun and had to be put down. By the 19th century, as recorded by several European travellers, the term being used to describe a low caste and not a specific tribe.[2] The English poet Charles Montagu Doughty travelled through Hutaymī territory in 1877–1878 and wrote about his experience in Travels in Arabia Deserta. He considered them more robust than the Bedouins but less dignified. The British Admiralty's Handbook of Arabia, written for the Arab Revolt during World War I in 1916, denigrated them as soldiers but admitted that they openly resisted the Rashīdī Emirate (Britain's adversary) and even raided the outskirts of the Rashīdī capital, Ḥāʾil.[1]


https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hutaym

Importance of Animal Products

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Inuit

Point Barrow, Alaska, USA

First Contact:

1849

0
50
50
gath % / hunt % / fish %
75
25
0
fat % / prot % /carb %

About the Tribe

Importance of Animal Products

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Food is the center of Inuit culture and takes years of education to learn how to obtain and prepare . Many points have to be included when considering our foods – the passage of our Indigenous Knowledge1 , physical, mental and regulatory accessibility to foods, weather conditions, timing of gathering and preparation, funding for equipment and fuel, sharing, language, social networks, and respect are just a few (ICC Alaska. 2015). Our foods, recipes – are a connection from past to present . As one of the authors points out, it is not possible to sum up all that is involved in food preparation in a single recipe . However, we hope the below recipes (our Indigenous Knowledge) will provide you with a sense of our niqipiaq/neqpiat (real food: Inupiaq/Yup’ik). Referred to as Inuit internationally, Iñupiat, Saint Lawrence Island Yup’ik, Yup’ik and Cup’ik make up four Inuit regions within Alaska (see figure 1). A recipe has been provided from each of these regions, by Eilene Adams (North Slope), Cyrus Harris (Northwest Arctic), Sandy and Marjorie Tahbone (Bering Strait) and Sonita Cleveland (YukonKuskokwim).

TUTTU (CARIBOU) SOUP By Eilene Adams, Barrow, Alaska

Tuttu soup is a favorite dish of all ages . People have been eating Tuttu soup for as long as we know . We all grew up eating Aaka’s (grandma’s) Tuttu soup daily – whenever caribou is available . We like to hunt caribou in the fall, when they have more fat . Caribou brings both physical and mental health to our people – we have learned to use all parts of the caribou for survival . This is part of our value system and how we respect our environment . All parts of the caribou are used for food, clothing and tools . Antlers are used to make tools, sinew is used to make boots and even as dental floss, the stomach lining is used to waterproof boots, gloves and other clothing items . Today we include ingredients that are bought from the store, such as flour. But it does not have to be made with flour and at one time no one used flour


Ingredients: Caribou meat (brisket and hind quarter are preferable, but any caribou meat will work), 1 cup of rice, ½ cup of flour, one onion. Boil caribou meat until tender - add rice, onion and cook for about ten minutes . Next add flour and cook another ten minutes. Some people like to also add noodles, potatoes, carrots or other vegetables.


MIPKUQ (BLACK MEAT IN SEAL OIL) – «IÑUPIAT SOUL FOOD» Provided by Cyrus «Naunġaq» Harris, Maniilaq Association

Mipkuq is dried ugruk (bearded seal) meat preserved in seal oil, and for thousands of years it has been essential to the diet of Iñupiat. Mipkuq perfectly suits the Arctic region. It provides a source of energy-dense lean protein, packed with heart healthy omega-3 fatty acids, and has a long shelf life that provides Iñupiat nourishment throughout the harsh winter or, in the early days, when other foods were not readily available. In the summer, when land fast ice is gone and there are offshore ice floes,teams of hunters harvest several adult ugruk on the sea ice and bring them back to camp. Adult ugruk grow 7–8 feet (2.0–2.5 m) in length and weigh 575–800 pounds (260–360 kg), which requires teamwork to transport and process. Delicious, nutritious and energy-dense, Mipkuq is highly sought after and present at nearly every meal and shared or traded with friends and extended family. It is used as a side dish, dipping sauce, or ingredient for other types of niqipaq (real food). In addition to physically sustaining Iñupiat people, Mipkuq also sustains Iñupiat spirituality. Traditional Iñupiat stories have called for the hunter to fill their mouth with seawater, which is then transferred into the mouth of the captured ugruk to return their spirit back to the wild. This practice was said to bring good fortune in future ugruk harvests for generations to come. It is also customary to give the season’s first catch to an elder as a sign of respect and gratitude. This reflects the Iñupiat Ilitqusiat (values) and sense of community associated with preparing, sharing, and consuming niqipaq foods such as Mipkuq.

MIPKUQ (BLACK MEAT IN SEAL OIL)

Ingredients: • Front straps, back straps and blubber from one adult ugruk Equipment: • Knives/Ulu/Gaffe •  Flat cutting board (for butchering the ugruk) • Iññisaq (meat drying rack) • Qavrak board (a board for separating blubber from skin) • 30 gallon rendering bucket • Breathable cover for rendering bucket (game bag, cheesecloth, etc.) • 4 ft. debarked spruce stirring stick •  Pot (for boiling meat) • 5 gallon buckets for Mipkuq storage Harvest, gut, and rinse the ugruk. Once the cleaned ugruk is hauled to camp, place it on a flat cutting board and remove the skin/blubber from around the seal meat. Let the skin/ blubber lay out on the cutting board overnight to dry. Carefully trim any additional meat attached to the blubber so that the blubber is clean. Separate the blubber from the skin (qavrak) using the qavrak board, and cut blubber into 1” x 3” looped strips. Trim and discard low quality blubber where blood has soaked into the blubber. Place good quality blubber strips in the 30 gallon rendering bucket, and cover with a breathable covering to allow for air exchange and to protect from insects. Closely monitor and stir the blubber/oil at least two times per day and let the oil render at ambient outdoor Arctic temperatures (~ 60o F or 16o C) in a protected area away from dust and rain. Oil rendering times can vary, with an approximate rendering time between one to two weeks. In the old days, blubber strips would traditionally be rendered within the intact sealskin hide called a seal ‘poke’. The black meat is made from the seal front and back straps. To prepare the black meat, hang the harvested ugruk meat to dry in the iññisaq for two to three days. This allows the meat to form a dry outer layer and develop a black color that indicates a taste that is not overly «gamey» or «fishy». The back straps are then filleted into an approximately 1/2” thick continuous blanket of meat and hung in the iññisaq to dry. Each day throughout the Mipkuq making process, the back strap meat blanket is monitored and turned over daily. For the front straps, after the initial 2-3 day drying period, they are cut into long 1” thick strips and hung back up to dry. Once the front strap strips reach 50% dryness, those strips are boiled in a large pot of water for approximately 15 minutes. After cooking, re-hang the cooked front strap strips in the iññisaq to dry for several more days. Once the cooked front strap strips and back straps have dried sufficiently, remove the black meat from the iññisaq and cut it into serving size portions (about 4 inches in length). Evenly distribute the black meat portions among 5 gallon buckets filled with the freshly rendered seal oil. The fresh Mipkuq is stored in a siġḷuaq, or underground cooler, for 3-7 days to give the black meat time to absorb the oil. Once the Mipkuq is good, it is stored in the freezer. The last step in the process is to feed your Iñupiat soul and enjoy your fresh Mipkuq with family, friends, and community members! The Maniilaq Association is currently working on a collaborative project to establish a regulatory approved process to make Mipkuq and routinely serve it to elders at our long-term care center.


THE BEAUTIFULLY SIMPLE WAY TO PREPARE UGRUK (BEARDED SEAL) By Sandy and Marjorie Tahbone, Nome, Alaska

It is rare (this day and age) that I will get fresh seal meat other than in spring; which is the time when many seals are harvested in our community and the majority of the meat is dried and stored in seal oil with rendered blubber. And having fresh boiled seal meat, blubber, and intestines is mouth-watering and I look forward to preparing this dish every spring. It is rather difficult, for me to explain how to cook native food. It is not like you can go to the store and pick up a few pounds of meat and intestines and they are ready to cook. If this were the case, I would say perhaps for 4 servings you would need 4 pounds of rib meat for boiling, 2 pounds of blubber, and a yard of guts! Knowledge gained through years of processing is hard, for me, to pass on in written form and trying to do it using very few words makes it more difficult. I have given directions for a person who has knowledge about processing bearded seal. Ingredients: Seal meat, Seal blubber, Seal Intestines, Onion, Potatoes (optional), Salt, Water This dish is prepared by slowly or gently boiling the meat, blubber, and intestines. The meat does not take that long to cook and is preferred medium to rare, but is okay to cook well done; so you will remove meat when done and continue cooking the blubber and intestines. The portions depend on how many people you are going to feed, so you will need to use your own judgment and common sense by adding more or less of the ingredients. When I am processing bearded seal in the spring for dry meat I dry the meat with no blubber on the meat taking the time to get every bit of fat off the meat before I hang it for drying; and save the meat that is hard to remove fat for cooking (the flap of meat that covers the ribs). I also save the ribs for cooking as well, especially if the seal is young and fat runs through the rib meat and is not good for drying. I prepare the intestines for cooking by first running water through the entire intestine for the initial cleaning then cutting them into two foot sections and turning them inside out for final cleaning. After the intestines are cleaned I cut them into 6-8 inch pieces for cooking. Prepare the blubber by removing it from the hide and if the blubber has been exposed to air for a time you will need to remove the top and cut it into 1-inch wide and 6-inch long sections for cooking. Cooking time for bearded seal meat is short not like cooking walrus. You can either use fresh or frozen seal meat, blubber and intestines. Prepare seal meat, blubber, and intestines as described above. Chop onions and quarter the potatoes. Put all ingredients in a pot and cover with water. Boil slowly, taking the meat out when desired rare/medium/etc. Continue cooking until the potatoes are cooked (fork tender). Take everything out of the pot and put on a serving platter. Serve the broth in cups and enjoy with some fresh spring greens in seal oil.


TUNUQ (ANIMAL FAT) AKUTAQ By Sonita Cleveland, Quinhagak, Alaska There are many ways to make akutaq. My favorite is tunuq akutaq because it is something different and provides a gamey taste that other types of akutaq do not. We eat it often and many grow up eating different types of akutaq. I watched my grandma make akutaq and she taught me how to make it. As my grandma taught me she always told me food shouldn’t be wasted: if we have it, it should be eaten. Now when I make it, it is like I am not doing it by myself. My entire family likes tunuq akutaq and so we eat it often. We mostly make tunuq akutaq around the fall when we go moose hunting. If there is enough fat, we store it to make food, such as akutaq. Making tunuq akutaq begins with rendering the tunuq. When we first get the moose or caribou or reindeer, we cut the pieces of moose or reindeer fat into small chunks, and we lay them across a baking sheet or cake sheet and bake for 2 to 3 hours at around 250 F, until it is rendered. When it is rendered, we take it out and pour it into another baking sheet and let that harden. Then we break it into chunks with an uluaq and freeze them and wrap them in foil, saran wrap, or ziploc bags and put in the freezer. When it is time to make akutaq the tunuq is taken from the freezer and melted or if the tunuq is fresh, we can render some to use. Some people melt the tunuq in a frying pan. I don’t like the slightly burnt taste it that a frying pan gives and so we put chunks of fat in a big cake pan and bake it on a low heat for a few hours. From spring to fall, we collect different berries to store. For this recipe, we often use blackberries or cranberries. Every time we want tunuq akutaq, we just take some berries and tunuq out of the freezer. Ingredients: 1 cup sugar – melted 1 ½ Crisco 1 ½ tunuq 3 cups of berries I like to use equal amounts of Crisco and rendered fat, a hand full sugar, and berries. First, whip up the sugar and Crisco until it is blended by hand, pour in the melted rendered tunuq and keep mixing. Lastly, add the berries. While mixing all of the ingredients together, the akutaq begins to stiffen – this is when it is ready to eat. Sometimes people put in white fish. We boil the white fish first, take bones out, lay it across a cookie sheet – or just use it. Chum salmon or halibut is sometimes used in place of whitefish. Many people today make akutaq with only Crisco although this was not the case long ago, as people did use Crisco or sugar. I prefer tunuq akutaq over Crisco akutaq because it keeps us full and has a better flavor. Akutaq is nutritious, despite the Crisco – these are natural oils and it is our organic food. When going out to get wood or fish, grandma always told me to taquaq (take food with) such as dried fish and akutaq to keep you warm, full, and to have energy. The older people we invite, like the elders, really like it when we make them tunuq akutaq. It is a rare treat for them and many say, ‘I remember my mom making this when I was younger.’ I know by eating it, it will give them memories of when they were younger. I am named after my grandma’s mom. When my uncle had the akutaq that my grandma had taught me to make, he said, ‘you take after your name sake.’ This is part of our knowledge passing through our generations. Unfortunately, many of the younger generation do not know how to make tunuq akutaq. As I get older, I will teach the younger generations.



In his primitive state he has provided an example of physical excellence and dental perfection such as has seldom been excelled by any race in the past or present. We are concerned to know the secret of this great achievement since his circumscribed life greatly reduces the factors that may enter as controlling units in molding this excellence. While we are primarily concerned in this study with the characteristics of the Eskimo dentition and facial form and the effect upon it of his contact with modern civilization, we are also deeply concerned to know the formula of his nutrition in order that we may learn from it the secrets that will not only aid the unfortunate modern or so-called civilized races, but will also, if possible, provide means for assisting in their preservation.

Weston Price, Nutrition and Physical Degeneration (1939)

We are particularly concerned with the foods used by these primitive Eskimos. They almost always have their homes on or near deep water. Their skill in handling their kayaks is most remarkable. During the salmon running season they store large quantities of dried salmon. They spear many of these fish from their kayaks; even young boys are very skillful. They land salmon so large that they can hardly lift them. They are expert in spearing seals from these light crafts. Seal oil provides a very important part of their nutrition. As each piece of fish is broken off, it is dipped in seal oil. I obtained some seal oil from them and brought it to my laboratory for analyzing for its vitamin content. It proved to be one of the richest foods in vitamin A that I have found.

The fish are hung on racks in the wind for drying. Fish eggs are also spread out to dry, as shown in Fig. 13. These foods constitute a very important part of the nutrition of the small children after they are weaned. Naturally, the drifting sands of the bleak Bering Straits lodge upon and cling to the moist surfaces of the fish that are hung up to dry. This constitutes the principal cause for the excessive wear of the Eskimos’ teeth in both men and women.

The food of these Eskimos in their native state includes caribou, ground nuts which are gathered by mice and stored in caches, kelp which is gathered in season and stored for winter use, berries including cranberries which are preserved by freezing, blossoms of flowers preserved in seal oil, sorrel grass preserved in seal oil, and quantities of frozen fish. Another important food factor consists of the organs of the large animals of the sea, including certain layers of the skin of one of the species of whale, which has been found to be very high in vitamin C.

Ibid.

Vilhjalmur Stefansson, The Fat of the Land (1956, originally published in 1946)

If inexperienced in primitive cultures, one is likely to misinterpret general statements about food. I might tell you, correctly, that the chief food of a certain group of Eskimos with whom I lived was caribou meat, with perhaps 30 per cent fish, 10 per cent seal meat, and 5 or 10 per cent made up of polar bear, rabbits, birds, and eggs. This might lead one to visualize meals where there would be a fish course followed by a meat course, and where we would breakfast at least occasionally on eggs. Such is most unlikely to be the rase, with primitive peoples. If 50 per cent of the year’s food is caribou meat, the primitive likely eats practically nothing, but caribou during approximately half the year, seldom tasting this meat the rest of the twelve months. His fish percentages will come in similarly restricted periods, and they are likely to be fish exclusively. The eggs, far from being breakfasts distributed through several months, would be occasional days of nothing but eggs during only one month of the year, in the spring.


“Esquimo Teeth Prove Health of Meat Diet,” The Harvard Crimson (1929)

By means of some 90 models of Eskimo teeth, Dr. Adelbert Fernald, Curator of the Harvard Dental School Museum, has proved that eating a strictly meat diet is the ideal way in which to keep the human mouth in a healthy condition, and that it is due to the fact that civilized people do not eat enough meat that they as a rule have decayed teeth.

Commander Donald B. MacMillan, the noted Arctic explorer, obtained about 90 impressions of the teeth of the Eskimos of Smith Sound, “the meat eaters,” who live the farthest north of any human beings. He did this at the request of Dr. Fernald, who desired the models for the Dental School Museum. The impressions were made on one of MacMillan’s most recent Artic expeditions. From the impressions, models have been constructed. Commander MacMillan said that “the Smith Sound Eskimos average about four ounces of vegetable matter each year per capita.”


Only one tooth of the 616 contained in the models is deformed. All the models represent mouths and teeth wonderfully developed. A more definite proof of the efficacy of a meat diet in maintaining healthful teeth could not be desired.

Out of the 616 teeth only seven are missing, while Dr. Fernald states that of the same number of teeth in the mouths of New England people, he would expect to find more than 100 missing.


In connection with the securing of the Eskimo teeth models from Commander MacMillan, Dr. Fernald arranged with Professor Hooton of the Peabody Museum at Harvard to secure impressions of the teeth of Yucatan natives during a southern expedition. These people are famous as vegetable eaters. Most of them eat no meat whatever. It was found that their teeth were very much decayed. At a surprisingly early age, their teeth lost all semblance of even a normally healthy condition, and most of them, when middle aged, had practically no teeth, whatever. It has been the experience of most dentists that those people who have the healthiest teeth are those who eat the most meat, which points to the same conclusion as Dr. Fernald’s researches.


Many of the models of the Eskimo teeth are perfect in every way, not having the slightest defect either of form or condition. Dr. Fernald states that is the 32 years of his dental practice he has seen only one set of teeth which were perfect in every respect.


Dr. Fernald says “Studying the models of these peoples’ mouth in the interest of anthropology and ethnology, as well as from an orthodontic standpoint. I consider extremely valuable, as much more data, can be obtained from models of a living person than from skulls. For instance, if the models show that the gums are apparently firm and tight around the teeth and have not receded that alone indicates to some extent a healthy mouth. From the fact that the arches are so even and well developed I should say that these people with so large arches are not mouth breathers, and therefore are not suffering from adenoids, enlarged tousils, and so forth.

https://youtu.be/iSZlqdWqQKA?t=325

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Klallam

401 E 1st St, Port Angeles, WA 98362, USA

First Contact:

10
gath % / hunt % / fish %
fat % / prot % /carb %

About the Tribe

In the extreme south, the Yurok and the Tolowa proportions of gathering/ hunting/fishing are 40/10/50 percent and 40/20/40 per cent, respectively. This is an area where acorns were used and naturally the proportion for gathering is greater. From here northward the most common figure for gathering is 20 per cent ; only the Puyallup and Kwakiutl have 30 per cent, while the Coos, Quiieute, Twana, and Klallam have 10 per cent. The Puyallup are a coastal Salish group living inland from Puget Sound who quite likely did depend more on roots and bulbs than did their salt-water neighbors, though with the complex exchange systems of the area we cannot be sure. But there seems no reason at all to give the Kwakiutl a higher figure than the Nootka, Bella Coola, and coast Salish of northern Georgia Strait, all ofthem adjacent to Kwakiutl and all given 20 per cent.

Importance of Animal Products

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Koryak

Koryak Mountains, Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, Russia, 689534

First Contact:

5
25
70
gath % / hunt % / fish %
75
25
0
fat % / prot % /carb %

About the Tribe

The Koryak are an Indigenous people of the northern Kamchatka peninsula, who live in the Kamchatsky Krai, Chukotka and Magadan oblast’ of the Russian Federation. According to their livelihoods, Koryak are divided into reindeer herders - the Chavchuvens (čawčәvaw means rich with reindeer) and settled Koryak - the Nymylans (nәmәlˀu means settlers) engaged in fishing and marine mammal hunting. It was Koryak reindeer herders’ dialect Chavchuven that served as the basis when in 1931 writing was established. Unfortunately, fewer and fewer Koryak consider Koryak language as their mother tongue. According to the 2010 census there were 7953 Koryak people in Russia and 2191 (27.5%) considered Koryak as their native language, while in 1989 – 4847 (52.4%), and in 1959 – 99.6% of Koryak spoke their Indigenous language. Furthermore, the literature mentions 11 Koryak dialects, while today in Kamchatka there only four main dialects, namely Chavchuven (reindeer herders dialect), Palana, Alutor and Karaginsky (settlers’ dialects). There are no exact statistics, but by regional estimations, Alutor is poorly spoken by only 250 people. The Magadan dialect is studied poorly and not distinguished as a separate dialect yet. More effort is needed to bring the Koryak language into every day use and food may have an important role to play in this regard. 


Much has been written about the traditional foods and rituals of the Koryak and other Indigenous Peoples of Kamchatka and the Magadan oblast’. If we look at one of the ancient cultural layers – story telling, it speaks to meanings and knowledge embedded in food culture and its connection to festivals and ceremonies. Below is one such story, told by Tamara Khupkhi in the village of Tilichiki, in the Olyutorsky district of the Kamchatskiy Krai. As this ancient tale tells, that to please the angry Qutkinjnjaqu, little mice prepared and started to treat the visitor to the well loved dishes, tolkusha (tilqәtil) and dried toadstool (wapaq). This is one of the favorite dishes of the Koryak and is served at Milanɣәt - the holiday of the Ringed Seal. Koryak food traditions are an integral part of their culture, are closely connected to their livelihood and are associated with a number of folk customs and regulations. For nomadic Koryak - čawčәvaw reindeer meat, blood, fat and entrails of the reindeer play an important role, while for settled Koryak – nәmәlˀu — fish, marine mammal meat, blood, fat, and guts were at the center, although today it is mostly fish. The food choices of both groups have always been seasonal and celebrations held on certain occasions. These celebrations consist of a set of certain ritual actions, including slaughtering of reindeer in one case and fishing or hunting for marine mammals in the other, and the preparations of certain dishes.

Importance of Animal Products

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Authentic Koryak Recipes and Traditions:


TOLKUSHA AND THE FESTIVAL OF MILANƔӘT: COASTAL KORYAK

In November or early December the coastal Koryak – the Nymylans celebrate the festival of Milanɣәt - the holiday of the Ringed Seal. The meaning of this holiday is to guide the spirits of marine mammals that have been hunted during the season, back to the sea. Every family that celebrates this holiday cooks special dishes, in particular tolkusha (tilqәtil). During the festival, all the guests that come to the feast are considered to be the seals. And during this festival, people meet each other with a cry «ololo» because ringed seals emit such sounds when resting on land. That is why this holiday is also known with the name Hololo or Ololo. When the master of the feast (a hunter or elder of the family) performs the rite of taking the seals back to the sea, small figures of seals are made from twigs of alder, and bound with sedge grass (lәˀutaŋ). Such seal figures are ritually fed with tolkusha, watered and sent to the fire. Almost all the rites are performed with fire. Everybody is having fun, playing the tambourine, dancing and showing to the seals who are ‘returning home’ that they had a good time with delicious food at the festival. Upon returning home, these seals would tell their friends, other marine mammals, about this holiday and would always come back again the next year. Thereby people secure hunting luck for the following season. This dish has a very sweet taste due to jiwjirˀu and also fortified and nutrition and vitamins. It is always served as a dessert. For Milanɣәt many other meals are also prepared, for example, kilikil. To make kilikil, boil fish, then mash it, remove the bones and add crowberries (ljәɣiˀәvәnˀu). The resulting mass is infused with mәtqәmәt - liquid ringed seal fat. One of the most common festive foods of any holiday, including Milanɣәt, is tavˀal – dried fish, yukola [a sun-cured fish dish, see Yukagir chapter]. It is especially tasty when eaten together with valival – ringed seal fat. Tavˀal is prepared in the summer, during the main run of salmonids. The Koryak make Yukola from salmon, Arctic char, trout or other fish. The dorsal and ridges are cut off, and only the fillet is separated and hung to dry.


FESTIVE FOOD AT QOJAŊAJTӘK: REINDEER HERDING KORYAK

The nomadic Koryak hold their holiday called qojaŋajtәk (qojaŋajtatәk) in the autumn, during the waxing moon. Qojaŋajtәk literally means ‘to move the reindeer’. Women prepare Cencitkuwәtwәt, is a sacrificial green colored gruel made from the ’river beauty’ (here called ‘reindeer leaves’). It is harvested in summer, dried and then ground on a stone mortar. In the village of Achayvayam this is called qozjawәtwәto. The resulting mass is used for tolkusha and crowberries are added into it. While the coastal Koryak add ringed seal fat, the nomadic Koryak add reindeer fat to tolkusha. After certain rituals, yukola is eaten. For the qojaŋajtәk holiday, it is made from Arctic char with the head still on. It is called lewtetewˀel and literally means ‘sun-cured fish with fish head’. For qojaŋajtәk, sacrificial reindeer are slaughtered, and Qәmәl (bone marrow from the rear legs) is eaten raw. Everyone except male children eat the bone marrow. While girls are allowed to eat large amounts, boys are not, so that they do not lose their appetite, as they need to build their strength to herd the reindeer when they grow up. The meat of the sacrificial reindeer is laid out on a sled. The sacrificial meat (inelәtˀul), the lungs (zitcat), liver (pontan) and meat from the spine (zavjaw) are baked in the embers of the fire, which should be situated on the Eastern side of the entrance of the yaranga (the traditional Koryak tent). Then kinuŋi - meat boiled in a cauldron over the fire – is eaten. Half of the raw meat is hung on poles outside and after 2-3 days the dried meat is brought into the Yaranga where it is smoked over the fire and eaten in winter. A ritual sausage zezjat is made from the third stomach of the sacrificial reindeer. It contains boiled bone fat from the broken leg bones of a reindeer. Zezjat is considered to be a substitute for a live reindeer in a bloodless sacrifice during the winter and spring holidays. Part of the sausage can be eaten in the morning. During the holiday at the thanksgiving ceremony to the fire, ‘dried toadstools’ (wapaq) are a vital ingredient. Toadstools are collected in the summer, and removed completely with the top intact with care being taken not to touch it. They are strung out on a thread and dried in the Yaranga. The consumption of dried toadstools is considered to be essential during thanksgiving ceremony. In the early morning, a ritual blood soup called mŋeˀәpaŋa (literally, ‘fire soup’) is made, which no holiday can do without. To prepare the blood soup you need clean water and blood, which is boiled on a slow fire until a certain sound is heard. In connection with the birth of children, coastal Koryak hold the feast of Anaŋavisqatin («in celebration of women»). Here taknonoikau (bringer of happiness) is prepared, by first frying flour until brown, to which coastal Koryak add the blood, meat and marine mammal fat. Nomadic Koryak add reindeer meat, blood, and fat. Eating this cereal is supposed to provide a prosperous life for the newborn child. Considering the parlous situation of Koryak languages, the enduring traditions of Koryak food culture, their connection with rituals, celebrations and festivals, their rich terminology and methods and purpose of particular foods may assist the preservation and development of the Koryak language. Koryak traditions and ceremonies and all connected activities, including the names of dishes, ingredients, and so on, remained unalterable due to the sacredness of the rites themselves. In this way, these foods, their memories and terminologies act as a storehouse for the Koryak people and culture. The importance of these ancient and unchanging food traditions of the Koryak are a vital part of their desire to remain as a thriving and vibrant culture in a period of rapid change.

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Kwakiutl

Kwakiutl Point, Mount Waddington B, British Columbia V0N 3L0, Canada

First Contact:

gath % / hunt % / fish %
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About the Tribe

Boas's material on Kwakiutl subsistence activities, mainly in the form of native texts with translations (Boas, 1909, pp. 461- 516; 192 1 , part I ), gives the native view of a number of food-getting and food-storing techniques and a great many recipes. In these texts we see what was important to the informant, but do not always find the answers to questions the ethnographer would ask. From some, however, we can make inferences about quantities of food taken and consumed.

Importance of Animal Products

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Kyrgyz

Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan

First Contact:

1876

5
5
90
gath % / hunt % / fish %
75
25
0
fat % / prot % /carb %

About the Tribe

Kyrgyz cuisine is the cuisine of the Kyrgyz, who comprise a majority of the population of Kyrgyzstan. The cuisine is similar in many aspects to that of their neighbors.

Traditional Kyrgyz food revolves around mutton, beef and horse meat, as well as various dairy products. The preparation techniques and major ingredients have been strongly influenced by the nation's historically nomadic way of life. Thus, many cooking techniques are conducive to the long-term preservation of food. Mutton and beef are the favorite meats, although in modern times many Kyrgyz are unable to afford them regularly.

Kyrgyzstan is home to many different nationalities and their various cuisines. In larger cities, such as Bishkek, Osh, Jalal-Abad, and Karakol, various national and international cuisines can be found. Non-Kyrgyz cuisines that are particularly common and popular in Kyrgyzstan include Uyghur, Dungan, Uzbek, and Russian cuisines, representing the largest minorities in the country.

Importance of Animal Products

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Meat in various forms has always been an essential part of Kyrgyz cuisine. Among the most popular meat dishes are horse-meat sausages (kazy or chuchuk), roasted sheep's liver, beshbarmak (a dish containing boiled and shredded meat with thin noodles), and various other delicacies made from horse meat.

Beshbarmak

Beshbarmak is the Kyrgyz national dish, although it is also common in Kazakhstan and in Xinjiang (where it is called narin). It consists of horse meat (or mutton/beef) boiled in its own broth for several hours and served over homemade noodles sprinkled with parsley. Beshbarmak means "Five Fingers" in the Kyrgyz language, and is so called probably because the dish is typically eaten with the hands. Beshbarmak is most often made during a feast to celebrate the birth of a new child, an important birthday, or to mourn a death in the family, either at a funeral or on an anniversary. If mutton is used instead of horse meat, a boiled sheep's head is placed on the table in front of the most honored guest, who cuts bits and parts from the head and offers them around to the other guests at the table.[1]

Dimlama

Dimlama is a stew consisting of meat, potatoes, onions, vegetables and sometimes fruits.

Kuurdak

Kuurdak is one of the main meat dishes.

Shashlik

Skewered chunks of mutton grilled over smoking coals that come with raw sliced onions, is served in restaurants and often sold on the street. The meat is usually marinated for hours before cooking. Shashlyk can also be made from beef, chicken, and fish. Each shashlik typically has a fat-to-meat ratio of one-to-one.

Shorpo[edit]

Shorpo (or sorpo) is a meat soup.

Paloo

Cooking paloo

Paloo (Kyrgyz: палоо or күрүч/аш) is the Kyrgyz version of what is generally referred to as plov in Central Asian cuisine. It consists of pieces of meat (generally mutton or beef, but sometimes chicken) fried in a large qazan (a cast-iron cauldron) and mixed with fried shredded carrots, jiucai(garlic chives) and cooked rice. The dish is garnished with whole fried garlic cloves and hot red peppers. Uzgen paloo is made with locally grown rice from the southern Uzgen District of Kyrgyzstan. Shirin paloo, a close relative of shirin plov in Azerbaijani cuisine,[citation needed] is a vegetarian dish in which meat is replaced with dried fruits, such as prunes, apricots, and raisins.

Paloo is the Kyrgyzified form of the Persian word polow or polo, related in etymology to pilaf. In Russian the dish is called plov (Russian: плов), in Turkish pilav, in Turkic languages ash, and in Tajik osh.

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