The following winter (this was the year in which Cn. Pompey and M. Crassus were consuls), those Germans [called] the Usipetes, and likewise the Tenchtheri, with a great number of men, crossed the Rhine, not far from the place at which that river discharges itself into the sea. The motive for crossing [that river] was, that having been for several years harassed by the Suevi, they were constantly engaged in war, and hindered from the pursuits of agriculture. The nation of the Suevi is by far the largest and the most warlike nation of all the Germans. They are said to possess a hundred cantons, from each of which they yearly send from their territories for the purpose of war a thousand armed men: the others who remain at home, maintain [both] themselves and those-engaged in the expedition. The latter again, in their turn, are in arms the year after: the former remain at home. Thus neither husbandry, nor the art and practice of war are neglected. But among them there exists no private and separate land; nor are they permitted to remain more than one year in one place for the purpose of residence. They do not live much on corn, but subsist for the most part on milk and flesh, and are much [engaged] in hunting; which circumstance must, by the nature of their food, and by their daily exercise and the freedom of their life (for having from boyhood been accustomed to no employment, or discipline, they do nothing at all contrary to their inclination), both promote their strength and render them men of vast stature of body. And to such a habit have they brought themselves, that even in the coldest parts they wear no clothing whatever except skins, by reason of the scantiness of which, a great portion of their body is bare, and besides they bathe in open rivers.

Julius Caesar, The Gallic Wars, Book IV, Ch 1 (58–49 BC)

Thule - Proto-Inuit

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thule_people

The Thule (US: /ˈθuːli/, /ˈtuːli/, UK: /ˈθjuːli/)[1][2] or proto-Inuit were the ancestors of all modern Inuit. They developed in coastal Alaska by the year 1000 and expanded eastwards across Canada, reaching Greenland by the 13th century.[3] In the process, they replaced people of the earlier Dorset culture that had previously inhabited the region. The appellation "Thule" originates from the location of Thule (relocated and renamed Qaanaaq in 1953) in northwest Greenland, facing Canada, where the archaeological remains of the people were first found at Comer's Midden. The links between the Thule and the Inuit are biological, cultural, and linguistic.[citation needed]

Evidence supports the idea that the Thule (and also the Dorset, but to a lesser degree) were in contact with the Vikings, who had reached the shores of Canada in the 11th century.[citation needed] In Viking sources, these peoples are called the Skrælingjar. Some Thule migrated southward, in the "Second Expansion" or "Second Phase". By the 13th or 14th century, the Thule had occupied an area inhabited until then by the Central Inuit, and by the 15th century, the Thule replaced the Dorset. Intensified contacts with Europeans began in the 18th century. Compounded by the already disruptive effects of the "Little Ice Age" (1650–1850), the Thule communities broke apart, and the people were henceforward known as the Eskimo, and later, Inuit.

Subsistence https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thule_people#Culture

Tlingit 10% or less

Videos

• Tongass National Forest, Alaska - We eat fish, deer, and berries "the food we eat is healthier than what we buy in the store" - Angoon.

• https://www.nationalgeographic.com/shows/gordon-ramsay-uncharted/gordon-ramsay-alaska-cooking/

• https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=noxzUvnCR6Y - Dr Rosita Worl

While foraging and hunting are time-honored traditions in the Tlingit community and other Alaska Native cultures, the vast territory of Alaska makes it a challenge for people living remotely to access food easily and consistently—especially when weather conditions and geographical terrain add more challenge.

Their homeland, Taa-laa-waa-dvn (“Tolowa ancestral-land”) lies along the Pacific Coast between the watersheds of Wilson Creek and Smith River (Tolowa-Chetco: Xaa-wun-taa-ghii~-li, Xaa-wvn’-taa-ghii~-li~, or Nii~-li~) basin and vicinity in northwestern California Del Norte. The area was bounded by the California/Oregon to the north and Wilson Creek, north of the Klamath River (Tolowa-Chetco: Tʽáˑtʃʽɪᵗˑʼdɜn) in California, to the south. They lived in approximately eight permanent villages including on Crescent Bay and Lake Earl (Tolowa-Chetco: Ee-chuu-le' or Ch'uu-let - "large body of water").[5]The most important Tolowa village is Yontocket, California (Tolowa-Chetco: Yan’-daa-k’vt). Their tribal neighbors were the Chetco (Tolowa-Chetco: Chit Dee-ni’ or Chit-dv-ne' , also: Chit-dee-ni / Chit-dee-ne), Tututni (Tolowa-Chetco: T’uu-du’-dee-ni’ or Ta-́a te ́ne, also: Tu-́tutûn t̟ûn-nĕ) to the north; Shasta Costa (Tolowa-Chetco: Shis-taa-k'wvs-sta-dv-ne or See-staa-k’wvt-sta Dee-ni’), Takelma (Tolowa-Chetco: Ghan’-ts’ii-ne), Galice Creek / Taltushtuntede (Tolowa-Chetco: Talh-dash-dv-ne' ) to the NE, all of which were removed to the Siletz Reservation, and Karuk (Tolowa-Chetco: Ch'vm-ne Dee-ni' , also: Ch’vm-ne Xee-she’ ) to the east; and the Yurok (Tolowa-Chetco: Dvtlh-mvsh, also: Dvtlh-mvsh Xee-she’ ) to the south.

The name "Tolowa" is derived from Taa-laa-welh (Taa-laa-wa), an Algic name given to them by the Yurok (Klamath River People) (meaning "people of Lake Earl").

Their autonym is Hush, Xus or Xvsh, meaning "person" or "human being".

The neighboring Karuk called them Yuh'ára, or Yurúkvaarar ("Indian from downriver") and used this Karuk name also for the Yurok,[6] and the Tolowa territory Yuh'aráriik / Yuh'ararih (″Place of the Downriver Indians″). Today the Karuk use also the term Imtípaheenshas (from Imtipahéeniik - ″Tolowa Indian place, i.e. Crescent City, California″).

They called themselves in a political sense also Dee-ni’ , Dee-ne, Dvn-’ee, Dee-te which means "(is a) citizen of a yvtlh-’i~ (polity)" or "a person belonging to a place or village".

In the extreme south, the Yurok and the Tolowa proportions of gathering/ hunting/fishing are 40/10/50 percent and 40/20/40 per cent, respectively. This is an area where acorns were used and naturally the proportion for gathering is greater.

By the use of the rivers, sea and the land the Tr'vm-dan' (Early) Dee-ni' produced a rich and highly developed culture. Salmon, whale, seal, clams, deer, elk, eggs and duck provided a diet rich in protein. Acorns, berries, seaweed, and vegetables supplied them with carbohydrates. Their traditional mvn' (homes) were rectangular single ridge gable-roofed structures built into the ground from redwood, cedar and pine timbers and planks.

https://www.tolowa-nsn.gov/who-we-are/#:~:text=Salmon%2C%20whale%2C%20seal%2C%20clams,and%20pine%20timbers%20and%20planks.

For the Tsimshian of the Nass and Skeena rivers we have Boas's statement, derived from his analysis of Tsimshian mythology, that "sometimes when the olachen were late in coming, there would be a famine on Nass River" (Boas, 1916, p. 399) . In his comparison of Tsimshian data with Kwakiutl data in Kwakiutl Culture as Reflected in Mythology, Boas writes: 

The difficulties of obtaining an adequate food supply must have been much more serious among the Tsimshian than among the KWakiuti, for starvation and the rescue of the tribe by the deeds of a great hunter or by supernatural help are an ever-recurring theme which, among the Kwakiutl, is rather rare. One story of this type is clearly a Tsimshian story retold. . . . Starvation stories of the Kwakiutl occur particularly among the tribes living at the heads of the inlets of the mainland, not among those who dwell near the open sea, where seals, sealions, salmon and halibut are plentiful (Boas, 1935, p. 171; see other references in Piddocke, 1 965, p. 247) .

Turks, who were nomads in Central Asia had a diet consisting mainly of meat, yoghurt and cheese. As hunting is one of the main sources of food, wild animals possessed considerable importance for nomadic Turks. Although Turks are freedom loving and impatient, when it comes to cooking meat they are patient enough to try a variety of methods to improve the taste and texture of meat.

After settling in Anatolia this meat based diet continued and in spite of inflated meat prices today, still continues. Restaurants specialized in cooking meat (kebap houses), specialized in offal dishes (tribe soup shops) and stores selling only meat (kasap) are the silent witnesses of this old meat diet tradition. In feasts, celebrations and weddings, animals are eaten whole rotating on a metal wire hung over charcoal or meat is cut into huge slices and grilled whereas housewives cook meat after cutting into bitable sizes or after mincing. There are many varying meat dishes in the Turkish cuisine. These dishes differ according to cooking methods which are named grills, casseroles, stews, cevirme-rotating over fire, tava-frying, kavurma-cooking with own juice, sahan-in the pan, yahni-cooked with tomato paste, bugulama-steamed, boiled. 

Meat is flavoured with vegetables, fruits or milk either by marinading or cooking together. The most known meat dishes are doner, kebap, meatballs and stuffed varieties. Traditionally, lamb and mutton are the basic sources of the Turkish diet. However beef has entered Turkish kitchen and seems to be the leading meat source in West Anatolia. Pork never enters a Muslim kitchen although wild boar is often hunted. One interesting reality is that cooking camel meat is permitted by Islam but camels are only seen at touristic towns posing to cameras with a hat on. Additionally hare and deer are cooked rarely in regional cuisines.

Thyme, mint, mild or hot red paprika, cumin, parsley and bay leaf are the most usual companions to meat which is nearly always cooked, marinated or served with onion.

From here northward the most common figure for gathering is 20 percent ; only the Puyallup and Kwakiutl have 30 per cent, while the Coos, Quileute, Twana, and Klallam have 10 per cent. The Puyallup are a coast Salish group living inland from Puget Sound who quite likely did depend more on roots and bulbs than did their salt-water neighbors, though with the complex exchange systems of the area we cannot be sure. But there seems no reason at all to give the Kwakiutl a higher figure than the Nootka, Bella Coola, and coast Salish of northern Georgia Strait, all ofthem adjacent to Kwakiutl and all given 20 per cent.

http://www.westmo.org/contact

https://civileats.com/2020/10/29/saving-caribou-and-preserving-food-traditions-among-canadas-first-nations/

“I’m picking lichen to feed to the caribou, so that one day I will get to eat the caribou,” said Daniel Desjarlais, a professional cook from the West Moberly First Nations, during a recent outing. Over the course of a day, under the warm, late-summer sun, Desjarlais and about a dozen compatriots carefully harvested lichen from the forest floor. Around them, the spruce and fir forest spread out for miles in the glacier-carved valley, surrounded by high peaks rising into alpine tundra—the realm of mountain caribou.

The traditional territories of the West Moberly and their neighbors, the Saulteau First Nation, include portions of the northern end of the Rocky Mountains and the surrounding boreal forests in northeastern British Columbia (B.C.), Canada. Both First Nations have been battling for decades to save caribou, a traditional food for their people, from extirpation.

Caribou, Rangifer tarandus, are a circumboreal species native to Europe, Asia, and North America. But in the rugged interior mountains of the Pacific Northwest, the caribou are part of a behaviorally unique and endangered ecotype of the species, known as mountain caribou.

There used to be many thousands of mountain caribou. They provided a sustainable staple food source for Indigenous peoples for millennia. But when miners entered the region in the 1800s, market hunting for caribou to feed the burgeoning settler community began to damage the population. Today, their numbers are on a steep downward trajectory; currently only about 1,200 remain, divided into a dozen disconnected subpopulations including a small number in the territory of the West Moberly and Saulteau.

After commercial hunting ended, logging and mining activities continued to deplete caribou numbers by destroying the large tracts of old growth forest they called home and making them more susceptible to predation. By the 1970s, the animal’s numbers had dropped so precipitously that the two First Nations unilaterally stopped hunting caribou. They looked to the provincial government to initiate a recovery plan, but an effective plan never materialized.

Forty years later, after a series ineffective of conservation plans and continued declines in caribou numbers, one local herd, Burnt Pine, was completely gone. Another, the Klinse-za, had dwindled to just 16 animals. Taking matters into their own hands, in 2011, the First Nations people sued the provincial government for violating their treaty rights to hunt caribou by allowing for unchecked resource extraction in their traditional territory and failing to come up with an effective conservation strategy.

Caribou feed on wild harvested lichen inside the Klinse-za Maternity Pen.

Rather than waiting for the colonial governments to fix the problem, they began their own recovery efforts. These included capturing and penning pregnant caribou cows to protect them and their calves during birthing, then releasing them back into the wild; predator control efforts on landscapes where logging, mining, and road construction has destroyed refuge habitat for caribou; and restoration work to recover this habitat so caribou will be able to thrive on their own once again.

Their leadership has led to one of the only bright spots on the map in western Canada for caribou recovery. Today, the Klinse-za herd has grown to nearly 100 animals. The members of the West Moberly and Saulteau aren’t carrying out a subsistence hunt today, in hopes that they may one day see the population rise to the point where they’ll be able to do so again.

“Our elders tell us the caribou have been here for us, and now we need to be there for the caribou,” said West Moberly Chief Roland Willson.

Meanwhile, the West Moberly and Saulteau Nations won the lawsuit filed in 2011 and, in the winter of 2020, they signed a historic partnership agreement with the Canadian federal government and the province of B.C., committing the colonial governments to a robust recovery program for the caribou. Early stages of its implementation have been positive, but full implementation of the plan will roll out over the next several years.

On a larger scale, the First Nations’ recovery work reflects the larger movement within their communities to address food sovereignty, cultural survival, and their link to first foods. Members of both Nations point to the physical, cultural, and spiritual health benefits of eating moose, caribou, saskatoon and other berries, and many other plants, which provided sustenance for them for hundreds of generations.

In their remote communities, getting fresh and healthy food through the colonial food system is challenging and expensive, said chef Desjarlais, and yet all around them, healthy, fresh traditional foods abound.

Along with the caribou restoration project, the two Nations started Twin Sisters Nursery to help tribal members feed themselves. The nursery grows native plants for restoration projects around their territory, focusing on culturally important foods for themselves and the animals they hunt. The Saulteau people also started Aski Reclaimation Ltd., a company that works with the oil and gas industry to restore impacted industrial sites (Aski is the Cree word for “Earth”).

Both ventures employ members of the community and are providing the opportunity to open a new chapter in their efforts to maintain their cultural identity, provide food for their members, and follow through on their responsibility to provide stewardship to their traditional territories.

The photos below document some of the work these First Nations are doing to support the caribou’s return.

On the eastern slope of the Hart Ranges and the northern end of the Rocky Mountains, the West Moberly First Nations reserve sits where the Moberly River enters the top of Moberly Lake. The Saulteau reserve is at the east end of the lake. The river drains out of the Indigenous Protected Area, created in 2020 as part of the partnership agreement signed between the First Nations, Canada, and B.C. to protect caribou habitat.

Starr Gauthier, a member of the Saulteau First Nation, works as a caribou guardian at the maternity pen. Here, she checks the outer electric fence around the pen designed to keep predators away. According to Gauthier, the efforts “shows what we can do as human beings to take responsibility rather than just taking and extracting. . . . We need to think about more than just ourselves.”

Daniel Desjarlais of the West Moberly First Nation picks lichen to feed caribou in the maternity pen. He aspires to bring better food back to his community through a restaurant that will include the “bush foods” that are a traditional part of his people’s diet.

Pauline Davis, a member of the Saulteau First Nation, collects lichen. A self-described “elder in training,” Davis said, “I consider it an honor to be able to give back to the caribou. . . . We want caribou here for our great-grandchildren.”

The Twin Sisters Mountains are in the heart of the newly created Indigenous Protected Area, which is a central part of the new agreement between the Canadian government and the West Moberly and Saulteau First Nations.

According to Ken Cameron, councilor and former Chief of Saulteau First Nation: “The Saulteau people were guided here by vision and ceremony from the Creator to find a safe sanctuary. [In the 1800s in Manitoba,] they were confined to a small reserve and they were [facing] starvation. Through prayer and ceremony, they asked for guidance, and they were given these Twin Sisters Mountains, a safe place to live forever with protection. . . . For us, it is a very sacred area.”

Cameron noted that these mountains are also considered sacred to the West Moberly and many other Indigenous nations as well.

Cameron signed the partnership agreement with Canada and B.C. for the Saulteau people. At the signing ceremony, he cited the agreement as a step toward reconciliation between Indigenous peoples and the Canadian government.

Julian Napoleon, Saulteau member and caribou guardian, at the pen. “Caribou have the right to exist, and we don’t have the right to take that away from them,” he said. “There was a time in the past where they were a primary source of food. . . . [But] in my lifetime, we haven’t been able to hunt them. That’s a thing of generations past—for my great-grandmother’s generation, [caribou] were a big part of their diet.”

Napoleon shows a piece of dried moose meat from an animal he hunted, which he said is as good as money on the reserve. “You can get anything you want with dried meat,” he said. He learned a lot from his grandmother, who got much of her food from the land in traditional ways.

“[My work] comes down to my philosophy around food. . . . We exist together in what we call sacred relationships. For the moose and caribou to thrive, we need to continue to honor them in our prayers and ceremonies, and we need to continue to work with them—eating them is a part of that. There is no way to express deeper gratitude to an animal than when it offers itself to you and you bring it home and share it with people you love.”

Napoleon hopes that in his lifetime, his people have the chance to honor caribou in that way again. “What we need is right in front of us all the time, if we just learn how to see it,” he said. “The medicines we need to heal are in the plants in our yard. If we base our diet on what’s right around us, then we will be optimized for the environment around us.”

Industrial logging, as well as oil and gas development, have created huge impacts on the landscape in the region. Mature forests are critical refuge habitat for caribou. Clearcuts such as this will take nearly a century to recover before they become secure habitat for caribou again.

The Twin Sisters Nursery, named after the mountains at the heart of the newly created protected area, was designed to help restore the landscape and create local employment for members of the First Nations.

Diane Calliou, Saulteau member and general manager of Twin Sisters Nursery, oversees the nursery’s expanding operations. Besides plants for restoration projects, the nursery is looking at ways to feed more people. “Food security is going to be a big concern and [food] is going to be a critical piece to what we grow here,” she said. This spring, they produced starts for gardens that community members planted for elders.

Teenage members of the two First Nations work in the nursery preparing plants that will be used for restoration projects on their traditional territory.

“When we asked our elders ‘How do you say ‘Saskatoon’ in Cree,’ they said ‘Saskatoon,’” said Carmen Richter, a treaty and lands biologist for the Saulteau people. This continuity underscores how much traditional knowledge tribal elders hold. “[These are] great berries, we love eating them and we love planting them because they do great in the sun. They are hearty plants for restoration,” she said.

Alycia Aird, Saulteau member and project manager of Aski Reclamation, surveys a recent restoration project. Aski Reclamation was started by Saulteau people to address the large number of industrial sites, such as abandoned oil and gas wells, that have not been properly restored.

Aird notes that traditional industrial reclamation didn’t use native plants and “wasn’t working to meet the end land use goals that the Saulteau are hoping to see as a community.” Aski focuses on incorporating traditional values into their projects, with a focus on culturally important plants, in order to restore their access to traditional foods and hunting areas guaranteed to them by the treaty.

Aird inspects a recent planting in the restoration site.

Shed caribou antlers. Despite the huge efforts of these First Nations, the future of caribou in the region is still far from secure.

• Yamnaya people dominated Europe from between 5,000 and 4,000 years ago

• They had nutritionally rich diets and were tall, muscular and skilled horse riders

• It is believed they exploited a continent recovering from disease and death

• They spread rapidly, adapting and massacring their way throughout Europe

• Slaughtered Neolithic men in prehistoric genocide to ensure their DNA survived

• They made their way to Britain and within a few generations there was no remains of the previous inhabitants who built Stonehenge in the genetic record

Ancient DNA reveals these migrants were well nourished, tall and muscular. Some archaeologists also argue that the warrior tribe consisted of skilled horsemen.

‘It looks like they lived mostly on meat and milk products,’ says Professor Kristiansen.

‘They were healthier and probably physically quite strong.’

Joe Pinkstone, “The most violent group of people who ever lived: Horse-riding Yamnaya tribe who used their huge height and muscular build to brutally murder and invade their way across Europe more than 4,000 years ago”, The Daily Mail, March 29, 2019

According to Anthony (2007), the early Yamnaya horizon spread quickly across the Pontic–Caspian steppes between c. 3400 and 3200 BC.[13]

The spread of the Yamnaya horizon was the material expression of the spread of late Proto-Indo-European across the Pontic–Caspian steppes.[14]
[...] The Yamnaya horizon is the visible archaeological expression of a social adjustment to high mobility – the invention of the political infrastructure to manage larger herds from mobile homes based in the steppes.[15]

Yukagir are a small numbered people spread across three regions of Eastern Siberia: the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Magadan and Chukotka, along the Kolyma and Indigirka rivers. They have become known as Tundra and Taiga Yukagir. Together they number just over 1500 people. Yukagir have traditionally been nomadic and semi-nomadic hunters, with wild reindeer being one of the preferred game, along with moose, wild sheep, sable, and of course fishing. Yukagir in the tundra regions also practiced small-scale reindeer herding primarily for transportation purposes. Yukagir are today settled, but some lead a semi-nomadic life during reindeer migration and hunting seasons.